Linguistic Discovery
Dartmouth College

Volume 10 Issue 2 (2012)        DOI:10.1349/PS1.1537-0852.A.399

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The Effect of Accessibility on Language Vitality: The Ishkashimi and the Sanglechi Speech Varieties in Afghanistan

Simone Beck

This paper presents a sociolinguistic assessment of the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi speech varieties based on data collected during a survey conducted between July 21st and July 29th 2007 in the Ishkashim area and the Sanglech valley. The research was carried out under the auspices of the International Assistance Mission, a Non-Government Organization working in Afghanistan. The goal was to determine whether Dari, one of the two national languages, is adequate to be used in literature and primary school education, or whether the Ishkashimi and the Sanglechi people would benefit from language development, including literature development and primary school education in the vernacular. It was important to find out how closely the two speech varieties, Ishkashimi and Sanglechi, are related to determine whether one written form would suffice for both varieties, in case language development is deemed to be necessary.

The researchers administered sociolinguistic and village elder questionnaires, elicited word lists, tested mutual intelligibility of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi, and observed and asked about bilingualism in Dari. In this way they aimed to determine the domains of language use, the attitude towards the other speech variety and Dari, to investigate bilingualism in Dari, and intelligibility between Ishkashimi and Sanglechi.

Sanglechi was found to be unintelligible to the Ishkashimi speakers. However, Ishkashimi is more intelligible to Sanglechi speakers.

The Ishkashimi speak Dari and their vernacular at home and in the community; in all other domains they primarily speak Dari. All Sanglechi speak only their vernacular in their homes and in the community. They speak Dari and some Sanglechi with guests, when travelling outside the area, with government officials, in school and in the religious domain. School is the only domain that exposes girls and young women to Dari; older women have virtually no contact with Dari.

In both places, people display a positive attitude towards Dari. Both language groups show a positive attitude towards their own vernacular. However, the Ishkashimi look down on Sanglechi as a rural language, while the Sanglechi consider Ishkashimi to be a good language. There is a growing awareness among the Ishkashimi, especially the educated, that they may lose their language if they continue not speaking it to their children. However, Sanglechi is very vital.

Bilingualism with Dari is high among the Ishkashimi while it is very low in significant segments of the Sanglechi people. Therefore literature in Dari currently cannot serve the Sanglechi adequately, while it does serve the Ishkashimi people at present.

Considering the high vitality of Sanglechi and the speakers' low degree of bilingualism with Dari a language development project for the Sanglechi people is recommended. It should include a contribution to the Ishkashimi speech variety as they develop a growing awareness of the endangerment of their language. Besides this, it might be possible to extend such efforts to the Ishkashimi speakers in Tajikistan as well.

Table of Contents

 

1. Background Information concerning the Country

1.1 History

1.2 Geography

1.3 Linguistic Situation

2. Geography, Population and Language of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi

2.1 Geography

2.2 Population

2.3 Language Classification

2.4 Previous Research regarding Ishkashimi-Sanglechi

3. Background Information concerning Ishkashim and Sanglech

3.1 Livelihood and Economics

3.2 Administrational Structure

3.3 Religion

3.4 Education

3.5 Electricity and Water

3.6 Infrastructure

3.7 Medical Situation

3.8 Aid Work

4. Research Goals

4.1 Assumptions

4.2 Objective

5. Methodology

5.1 Sampling

5.2 Village Elder Questionnaire

5.3 Sociolinguistic Questionnaire

5.4 Proficiency Storying Questionnaire

5.5 Word List

5.6 Recorded Text Testing

5.7 Observation

6. Results

6.1 Domains of Languages

6.2 Attitudes

6.3 Bilingualism with Dari

6.4 Intercomprehension of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi and Tajik Ishkashimi

7. Discussion

7.1Vitality of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi

7.2 Attitudes towards Ishkashimi, Sanglechi and Dari

7.3 Bilingualism with Dari and Intelligibility between Ishkashimi and Sanglechi

8. Recommendations

Appendix A: Word List Results

Appendix B: Village Elder Questionnaire

Appendix C: Sociolinguistic Questionnaire

Appendix D: Proficiency Storying Questionnaire

Appendix E: Interagency Language Roundtable Proficiency Scale

Appendix F: Stories for RTTs (with Breaks) and Questionnaire

 

1. Background Information Concerning the Country

1.1 History

Afghanistan has been an area of great interest for many centuries, mainly because of its central position in Asia. Marco Polo probably travelled on the Silk Road through Afghanistan (that is through Badakhshan and the Wakhan corridor) to China. During the period of the "Great Game"[1] (18th and 19th century) the Russians and the British fought fiercely over what is now the country of Afghanistan. In recent history Afghanistan has been occupied by Russia (since 1977), until they were defeated by the Mujaheddin and the Taliban began to rule the country (1995). In 2001 the Northern Alliance supported by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) terminated the reign of the Taliban. Presently a Parliament and a President rule Afghanistan.

In recent years International Non-Government-Organizations (INGOs), the United Nations Organization (UNO) and governments of other countries have shown great interest in Afghanistan. They have invested considerable financial resources into the country, and initiated many humanitarian programs. Humanitarian efforts are currently concentrated in Kabul, other major cities and rural areas near major cities. In contrast, few resources have been allocated to rural and mountainous areas. In fact, very little is known about some of these areas.

1.2 Geography

Afghanistan is a landlocked country occupying a central position in Asia. It borders Iran to the west, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan (in this order from west to east) to the north, Pakistan to the east and south, and it has a very short common border with China in the far east.

Map 1 shows the borders of the country of Afghanistan with its 34 provinces and the province capitals

Map 1

Map 1: Provinces of Afghanistan
Source: afghana! (2008)

1.3 Linguistic Situation

The national languages of Afghanistan are Dari and Pashto. Both are Indo-European languages, Dari belonging to the West Iranian languages and Pashto to the East Iranian. The Ethnologue (Gordon 2005) lists 46 languages for Afghanistan. Many of them are spoken in neighbouring countries as well - these ethnolinguistic groups are spread over country borders, which have been drawn without taking into account the boundaries of the ethnic minority communities. According to the new constitution of Afghanistan (in place since 2005), article 16, the government supports the development and strengthening of minority languages. Even the status of a third national language is ascribed to some in places where the majority speaks it. Pamiri is mentioned as one of them[2] . Little research has been conducted about the minority languages of Afghanistan and hardly any information is obtainable about most of them.

2. Geography, Population and Language of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi

2.1 Geography

The Ishkashim area and the Sanglech valley are located in the Badakhshan province of Afghanistan. The province, located in the north-east of Afghanistan, borders Tajikistan, China, and Pakistan. The terrain consists mostly of mountain ranges and valleys (altitude between 1000 and 6000m), the highest being the Pamir range in the Wakhan corridor.

Ishkashim town lies north of the mouth of the Wakhan corridor, near to the Panj river, which marks the border to Tajikistan. A few partly Ishkashimi-speaking villages are located some kilometres north of Ishkashim town. Ishkashimi is also spoken in Tajikistan, in the villages of Ryn and Sumjin, across the border from Ishkashim. The Sanglech valley is located towards the South East of Ishkashim: on the road running from Faizabad to Ishkashim, an hour before reaching Ishkashim is the town of Zebāk. South of Zebāk, after crossing a river, one reaches the secluded Sanglech valley with its six Sanglechi-speaking villages.

Map 2 shows the province of Badakhshan. Ishkashim and Sanglech are indicated in orange.

Map 2

Map 2: Province of Badakhshan, with Ishkashimi- and Sanglechi-speaking areas
Source: AIMS (2004)

Map 3 shows Ishkashim town and the villages to the north where Ishkashimi is spoken.

Map 3

Map 3: Ishkashim town and villages
Sources: DGIA (2001)

The coordinates of the Ishkashimi villages the researchers visited, and of the town of Ishkashim are as follows:

Ishkashim:

N: 36° 42' 48''; E: 71° 33' 44'' Altitude: 2705m

Bāhār Bāzār:

N: 36° 44' 42''; E: 71° 34' 32'' Altitude: 2496m

Xermani:

N: 36° 44' 31''; E: 71° 33' 56'' Altitude: 2515m

Zargarān:

N: 36° 44' 70''; E: 71° 35' 18'' Altitude: 2532m

Map 4 gives the Sanglech valley and the 6 villages where Sanglechi is spoken.

Map 4

Map 4: Sanglech valley
Source: DGIA (2001)

The coordinates of the Sanglechi villages the researchers visited, and of Sar-Sanglech are as follows:

Dashte Rubāt:

N: 36° 27' 00''; E: 71° 18' 60'' Altitude: 2741m

Faruq:

N: 36° 26' 13''; E: 71° 18' 23'' Altitude: 2727m

Eskatul:

N: 36° 24' 01''; E: 71° 15' 56'' Altitude: 2976m

Sar-Sanglech:

N: 36° 17' 02''; E: 71° 10' 60'' Altitude: 3468m

2.2 Population

2.2.1 Ishkashim

According to the information village elders gave, the number of Ishkashimi-speaking houses in the villages around Ishkashim is as follows:

Xermani:

60 Ishkashimi speaking houses

(60 Dari speaking houses)

Bāhār Bāzār:

40 Ishkashimi speaking houses

(no Dari speaking houses)

Zargarān:

15 Ishkashimi speaking houses

(15 Dari speaking houses)

Darwān:

10 Ishkashimi speaking houses

(28 Dari speaking houses)

Sayad:

10 Ishkashimi speaking houses

(25 Dari speaking houses)

Qaz Deh:

4 Ishkashimi speaking houses

 
 

-------------------------------------------------

 
 

139 Ishkashimi speaking houses

 

These figures show that in each village, except Bāhār Bāzār, the Ishkashimi-speaking population is only half or less of the total population.

The number of people living in each house varies between 5 and 23 family members. The average of the numbers reported is 11 people per household. That amounts to approximately 1500 Ishkashimi speakers living in the above villages.

Additionally, in Tajikistan approximately 1000 Ishkashimi speakers live in Ryn village, and another 360 live in Sumjin village (Müller et al. 2005).

2.2.2 Sanglech

Sar-Sanglech:

35 houses

Esketul:

63 houses

Takya:

22 houses

Faruq:

26 houses

Flaxmadek:

9 houses

Dashte Rubāt:

16 houses

 

--------------------

 

181 houses

The average number of people living together in Sanglech households varies between 2 and 30 family members per house. The average of all figures reported is 12 people to each house. That amounts to about 2200 people living in the Sanglech valley.

2.3 Language Classification

The Ishkashimi-Sanglechi speech variety is part of the Pamir language group. Pamir languages are spoken in the Pamir Mountains in the countries of Afghanistan, Pakistan, Tajikistan and China. According to Kreutzmann, the following seven languages are part of to the Pamir language group: Yaghnobi, Munji-Yidgha, Ishkashimi-Sanglechi, Wakhi, Shughni-Roshāni-Bartangi, Yazgolami, Sariqoli (Kreutzmann 1996). Munji, Shughni-Roshāni, Wakhi and Ishkashimi-Sanglechi are spoken in the Badakhshan province of Afghanistan. They share some grammatical features. Munji is spoken in the Munjan valley South of Faizabad, Shughni-Roshāni at to border to Tajikistan North-East of Faizabad, and Wakhi in the Wakhan corridor in the far east of Badakhshan. Ishkashim is considered the entrance town to the Wakhan area, but is not part of it, the Sanglech valley is located south east of Ishkashim.

Linguists have, so far, considered Ishkashimi and Sanglechi to be one language. They are linguistically similar and one of the goals of this research is to find out whether the varieties of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi spoken in Afghanistan should be treated as one language for the purpose of language and literature development.

The Sanglechi people refer to themselves and to their language as "Dargi". The Dari word "Sanglechi" originates from the word for their home location, the Sanglech valley, which again originates from the Sanglech river flowing through the valley.

Ishkashimi-Sanglechi is a spoken language only. Published written material exists neither in Ishkashimi nor in Sanglechi. But few Sanglechi people have written down stories and poems in their mother tongue.

The Ethnologue (Gordon 2005) gives the following information for Ishkashimi-Sanglechi:

ISO Code:

sgl

Alternate names:

Eshkashimi, Ishkashim, Ishkashmi

Dialects:

Zebāk[3], Sanglechi, Ishkashimi

Classification:

Indo-European, Indo-Iranian, Iranian, Eastern, Southeastern, Pamir, Ishkashimi-Sanglechi

2.4 Previous Research regarding Ishkashimi-Sanglechi

Previous researches conducted and documented about Ishkashimi-Sanglechi is rare. The first data on the Ishkashimi language was published by R. Shaw in his work "On the Ghalchah Languages (Wakhi and Sarikoli)." Besides Shaw, Thomashek was one of the first to present data about the Ishkashimi in the late 1800s (Shaw 1876; Thomashek 1880). According to the Circle of Ancient Iranian Studies R. Gauthiot happened to write down some Ishkashimi words he heard from a chance passer-by in 1914 (CIAS 2007). These were published after the linguist's death. Shortly later Grierson published a systematic description of Ishkashimi (Grierson 1920).

More than half a century later Skjærvø compares in his article "Modern East Iranian Languages" (Skjærvø 1989) the phonological and morphological of the modern East Iranian languages, including Ishkashimi and Sanglechi; he describes their linguistic interactions and interference. He also presents a comparative historical survey of the East Iranian languages.

In the same year John Payne states in his article "Pamir Languages", that Ishkashimi, Zebāki and Sanglechi are three closely related dialects of the same language, with Persian having greater influence on Ishkashimi and Zebāki than on the more isolated Sanglechi. He writes that Ishkashimi is spoken in Ishkashim and some neighbouring villages on the Afghan bank of the Panj river, and also in the villages of Ryn and Sumjin in Tajikistan. He estimates that the number of speakers is 2000, with 1500 in Afghanistan and 500 in Ryn and Sumjin. Sanglechi, so Payne, is spoken in three villages in a valley feeding the Warduge river. He estimates that there are a few hundred speakers. About Zebāki, Payne writes that it might not be spoken in the town of Zebāk itself, where Persian is spoken, but somewhere in the district. He does not mention a specific location. He guesses that there might be a few hundred speakers (Payne 1989). Müller mentions Pakhalina and Kurbanov who report that Zebāki is now extinct (Müller et al. 2005). The researches did not find any Zebāki speakers either when travelling through the Zebāk district.

Payne emphasizes in the above mentioned article that Ishkashimi-Sanglechi is part of the so called "Pamir Sprachbund". He holds the opinion that in spite of their diversity, they share sufficient common features. He gives the following five examples: 1. Vowel alternations show morphological distinctions, like gender, tense and transitivity. 2. Three verb stems exist: present, past and perfect. 3. Verbal endings are used to show person and number in the present tense, but these agreement particles are movable in the past tense; they are mostly attached to the first major constituent in the sentence. 4. There is a three-way distinction in demonstrative pronouns between 'near', 'middle' and 'far'. 5. The basic word-order patterns are Subject-Object-Verb; adjectives and possessive modifiers precede the head, while prepositional phrases and relative clauses follow. The sentence structure is closely linked to the choice of verb form, in particular to tense and transitivity.

Payne states that there is wide spread bilingualism throughout the Pamir with Tajik or Dari, which serve as language of intercommunication between different Pamir groups. He also calls it the language of literature. He guesses that knowledge of Persian in the Pamir dates back at least to the 11th century (Payne 1989).

According to Payne, the presence of a series of retroflex consonants, with the absence of a contrast between velar and uvular fricatives, is distinct for Ishkashimi-Sanglechi among the Pamir languages.

Figure 1 shows Payne's analysis of the sound inventory for Ishkashimi and Sanglechi.

Figure 1

Figure 1: Sound Inventory of Ishkashimi-Sanglechi according to Payne

Yusufbekov in his article "The Sanglechi Language" points out that the language derives its name from the location where it is spoken, which is the Sanglech valley. The valley in turn received its name from the highest village, Sanglech. He states that Sanglechi is closely related to Ishkashimi but gives no opinion on whether they are different languages or varieties of one language. Yusufbekov claims the number of speakers on Oct 1st 1996 was 1312. He also divided the language into two dialects: the upper one, Sanglechi proper, spoken in the upper three villages and the lower one, spoken in the remaining three villages. The lower one includes traces of Zebāki which, according to Yusufbekov, has died out. The main differences between the dialects are lexical and phonetic. He continues that since the Zebāki dialect is completely lost and the speakers of the lower and upper dialects are closely associated with each other, dialectal differences have largely disappeared now. He adds that Sanglechi is only used in everyday speech. Dari is the language of literature, teaching in schools and for communication with neighbouring people groups (Yusufbekov 2000).

The most recent work about Ishkashimi-Sanglechi is a brief linguistic assessment conducted in 2007 by Miller and Backstrom who collected an Ishkashimi and a Sanglechi word list (Miller 2007). The Sanglechi word list was elicited from a Sanglechi man in Zebāk. They found a lexical similarity of 70% between the two speech varieties. They recommend that no language development project should be undertaken for the Ishkashimi, because Dari literature is sufficient to serve the Ishkashimi community. For Sanglechi they recommend that a language development project should be undertaken, starting with a pilot literacy project and basic reading material.

3. Background Information Concerning Ishkashim and Sanglech

This section gives background information concerning the people inhabiting the villages around Ishkashim and the Sanglech valley, especially in regard to their living conditions. The information presented is the result of background research conducted in Faizabad during the months prior to the research trip and of research during the field trip, in particular interviews with village elders.

3.1 Livelihood and Economics

3.1.1 Ishkashim area

Many of the men living in the area have found work in the town of Ishkashim. Some run small shops or other businesses or are working for one of the Aga Khan Development Network's projects (AKDN) (see 3.8 Aid Work). Others are farmers; they are working the fields that belong to the family, mostly growing wheat. Women tend the livestock, which is mostly sheep, with some goats and cows.

All basic products are available in the market in Ishkashim, which is about an hour walking distance from the furthest Ishkashimi village. At least one man from every family travels to Faizabad or other cities to buy additional household supplies that are not available in Ishkashim.

A shared bazaar for Afghans and Tajiks is held weekly in Tajikistan close to the bridge over the Panj river near Ishkashim. Afghans are allowed to visit this bazaar in Tajikistan, but not to enter further into the country. Tajik goods are available for sale there, but also items that are prohibited in Afghanistan, like alcohol.

3.1.2 Sanglech valley

The people of Sanglech are self supporting to a great extent; the economy is agro-pastoral. People grow wheat, barley, corn and broad beans for their own consumption. They keep goats, sheep and cows for milk and meat, as well as oxen which they use for the farming work. Few people own a donkey. There are a few fruit trees, like apples, apricots, peaches, and walnut trees. Some families grow potatoes, onions, tomatoes and greeneries in their garden, but this practice is rather rare.

During the three to four summer months, June to September, a third to half of the women of each village take their livestock to summer pastures higher up the mountains because the narrow river valley does not provide enough pasture for the livestock. They take all their household necessities with them, spend the entire time there and live in animal-hide tents. Small children go with their mothers. School children stay behind with other (usually older) women of the extended family.

The main component of the diet in Sanglech is wholemeal bread, mostly baked from wheat. When people run out of wheat during the winter they use corn and barley. The other major food item is black tea with milk and salt. Homemade pasta is very common and contains bean flour as the main ingredient.

To supplement the basic diet, men regularly visit the market in Zebāk, the centre of the district, or Ishkashim. Most families send a family member there ranging in frequency from once a week to twice a year. There people obtain rice, tea, sugar and oil, but also shoes, material for clothes, or small "luxury items" like radios and sewing machines. Some men travel as far as Faizabad (another day's journey by car) to buy supplies for their families. People also get supplies from the traders who come from other parts of Badakhshan to Sanglech to sell their wares. Goods brought from these traders are expensive, about 5 to 10 times the price of similar goods in Faizabad. This is due to the lack of infrastructure, especially adequate motor roads, and competition.

People make money by selling cattle, and sometimes even their wheat. From every village a few young men go to other places to find work, mostly to Faizabad and other cities in Badakhshan, but sometimes to Kabul or even Iran. The time spent there varies between a few months and a few years. They regularly send money back to support their family and others in their village.

3.2 Administrational Structure

A Shorā, a village council, administers each village around Ishkashim and in the Sanglech valley. The head of the Shorā is the village leader. He is responsible for all communal political affairs. The Shorā is elected through a secret election when every adult member of the village can cast their vote. The Shorā consists of 5 to 10 men. They decide among themselves who will be the head of the Shorā and who will be his deputy. Besides this council, a women's Shorā exists which takes responsibility for the women's affairs of the village. The whole village also elects the members of the women's Shorā. All Shorā members are elected for four years. Being a member is an honorary, un-salaried, position.

Above the Shorā is the district governor. He is appointed by the provincial government. Usually he comes from another part of the country and is a native Dari speaker. The district governor resides of Ishkashim town and the surrounding villages resides in Ishkashim. The Sanglech valley is part of the Zebāk district. The district governor for that area resides in the town of Zebāk. Above the governors of both districts is the provincial governor in Faizabad.

3.3 Religion

All Pamiri people groups belong to the Ismaili branch of Shia Islam. They look to the Aga Khan, who presently lives in Paris, as their spiritual leader. Shortly after the death of Mohammad (in the year 632) the division of Sunni and Shia took place because of their differing opinions about how Mohammad's successor should be elected. The Sunnis held the view that he should be elected by a committee on the grounds of his ability, although a blood relationship to the Prophet would speak in his favour. However, for the Shias a close blood bond was the foremost criteria for all of Mohammad's future successors. Although the Shias did not have an opportunity to overrule the Sunnis, they themselves only recognized the fourth Imam elected by the Sunnites, which was Ali, Mohammad's cousin and son-in-law, after Abu Bakr, Umar and Utman, who were the first three Imams elected by the Sunnis (Schirrmacher 1994).

Shia is further divided into Four-Shia (does not exist any more today), Seven-Shia (Ismaili) and Twelve-Shia, according to the number of Imams they acknowledged as true Imams. They also differ greatly in theological matters. The name "Ismaili" is derived from Ishmael, the seventh and last Imam according to their view.

The Ismaili put great importance on education, practical aid and development work. Ismaili usually do not keep the fast during the month of Ramadan, because, as they argue, a clean heart is more pleasing to God than outward fasting. They pray twice a day, in the morning and in the evening. They do not practice the Hadj (pilgrimage to Mecca). Every village has a Khalifa (religious teacher) and a Jum at Khāna (prayer house) where people gather to pray, and where the Khalifa preaches a sermon on Friday, usually about the practices of life according to the Ismaili beliefs.

The Ishkashim area, the Sanglech valley, and other Ismaili communities ar far less conservative compared to other Muslim communities. Men and women share meals together, shake hands, and talk to each other even when they belong to different families. There seems to be a relatively high respect for the role and the work of women in these communities. This might also be due to the rural setting in Sanglech where men and women have to work together to make ends meet.

Occasionally tension occurs between the Ismaili people living in the Sanglech valley and the Sunni living in Zebāk, the district capital. No such tension was witnessed or reported around Ishkashim at the time of the research.

3.4 Education

In Afghanistan children start school at the age of seven. Classes are taught for 6 days a week with Friday being the day of holiday. School children attend school for two to six hours a day according to their grade. They attend school for 9 months per year. Schools are closed for three month in winter due to cold weather.

3.4.1 Ishkashim

The town of Ishkashim has a central school for boys living in the town and the surrounding villages, and one for girls. Both schools offer classes up to 12th grade. About 1150 students were enrolled in both schools together at the time of the research. The children from the villages walk to school every day. It is up to one hour's walk.

Between 80 and 90% of the children of each village begin school education. Although girls start school along with boys, the numbers of female students in the school of Ishkashim decreases in the higher grades. Usually in a given year about 100 girls start in grade 1, but only 17 girls presently study in grade 12. Girls are often married between the ages of 12 to 14, and as a consequence stop their school education after the wedding to work in the house and raise children.

If students want to receive education beyond grade 12 they have to go to Faizabad to study 13th and 14th grade, this is the qualification required to become a teacher. After that, students can study at the University of Kabul or in any other major city. Every year 5 to 6 students from the Ishkashim area go for further education. This option is only open to boys.

The teachers are from Ishkashim, most of them are native Dari speakers, a few are mother tongue Ishkashimi speakers. The language of instruction is Dari and all school books are in Dari.

Schooling has only been available for about 10 years. The percentage of literate adults is therefore much lower than that of children, and the numbers given vary greatly. According to a rough estimate, 20% of the women might be literate and 50% of the men.

3.4.2 Sanglech

There are two schools in the Sanglech valley: in Faruq and in Sar-Sanglech. The school in Faruq serves the children from all villages except Sar-Sanglech. It offers classes up to 9th grade. About 420 students are presently enrolled. It takes an hour to walk there from the village farthest away. The school in Sar-Sanglech offers classes up to grade 6. If children want to continue their education they could go to Zebāk where classes up to 12th grade is offered. As only rich parents can afford this, no one in recent years continued their education in Zebāk.

Only a few teachers are from Sanglech, most come from Zebāk, Ishkashim or Shughnan. The language of instruction is Dari and the school books are all in Dari. The teachers help the students in Sanglechi if they are able to speak the language themselves. The teachers who are not from Sanglech live in the school during the school term and only return home to their families during the 3-month holiday period. They are provided with food by the villagers, the families taking turns to cook for them.

Very few of the adults are literate. A low proportion of those literate are women. Literacy rate may amount to roughly 10% of the men and 3 to 5% of the women.

3.5 Electricity and Water

3.5.1 Ishkashim

The town of Ishkashim is provided with electricity through water power. In most Ishkashimi villages several small water power projects produce sufficient electricity to provide light for a few houses. The people have set them up privately.

There are different means of getting water. The town of Ishkashim has a canal system to collect the melting water and the water coming down the mountains from springs. In Xermani people have placed pipes from a spring to the village. They are reported to be 150 m long. For Bāhār Bāzār the AKDN has built a system of pipes that draws water from the Panj river. In Zargarān, people collect water from the river with buckets.

3.5.2 Sanglech

Esketul is the only village with electricity. Thanks to a small hydro power project provided by the government. The other villages do not have electricity.

In every village people get water from the Sanglech river, using buckets to collect and carry water back to their houses.

3.6 Infrastructure

3.6.1 Ishkashim

An unpaved road runs from Faizabad to Ishkashim. It takes about 7 to 8 hours to reach Ishkashim from Faizabad. Cars frequently utilise this road, and the public transportation system services the route with mini buses. In Ishkashim the road splits: one road continues into the Wakhan corridor, another runs along the Afghan-Tajik border, and the third crosses the Panj river into Tajikistan. Even though Ishkashim is a remote town it has a certain strategic position. People often travel on these roads through Ishkashim. As a consequence, Ishkashim offers several public guest houses where travellers can spend the night.

3.6.2 Sanglech

About one hour from Ishkashim towards the direction of Faizabad, one has to cross a river delta at Zebāk to enter the Sanglech valley. Although the streams are not very deep, a combination of sandy river beds and rapid currents makes them almost impossible to cross by car apart from in the late summer and early autumn. At other times the crossing may only be made on foot or horseback.

By car, it takes about an hour from the river delta to the first village and 20 to 30 minutes more to get from each village to the next one. Using a car, one can only get close to Faruq; there is a bridge across the Sanglech river that cars cannot cross. From there it takes about one hour by foot from each village to the next one. Only it takes five hours to reach Sar-Sanglech from Esketul.

This path along the Sanglech River continues after Sar-Sanglech into Pakistan. People report it is a two hours' walk from Sar-Sanglech to the border. Sometimes travellers walk through the Sanglech valley to get to Pakistan; they usually come from the area around Ishkashim. These are traders who buy wares in Pakistan and sell them in Afghanistan. Nevertheless the area is very remote and very seldom visited by people from outside.

3.7 Medical Situation

The Agha Khan Health Services (AKHS) provides the health care for the Ishkashim area and the Sanglech valley. The Badakhshan province has the highest rate worldwide of maternal and infant mortality; this is certainly one of the biggest health problems in Ishkashim and Sanglech as well.

3.7.1 Ishkashim

The AKHS is running a hospital in the town of Ishkashim that also serves the surrounding villages. The other villages do not have additional health facilities. It takes people between 30 minutes and one hour to get to the hospital by foot or on a donkey. If the case is more serious patients are usually taken to Faizabad, Kabul or Tajikistan. Reportedly, the most common diseases are flu, pneumonia, coughs and general aches and pains, like body pain and stomach pain. The people also complained about "women's sicknesses" in general.

3.7.2 Sanglech

The nearest clinic is located in Zebāk; it is run by the AKHS. It takes patients about 1.5 hours from Dashte Rubāt to reach Zebāk by foot or on donkey. It takes longer from the villages further up the valley (see 3.6 Infrastructure). If the sickness is more serious, patients are brought to the hospital in Ishkashim. There are no health facilities in the villages. According to their own reports, people mostly suffer from colds and pneumonia.

3.8 Aid Work

The Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN), a group of Ismaili (see 3.3 Religion) development agencies under the auspices of the Aga Khan, is the only aid organization working in Ishkashim and Sanglech. The AKDN has its provincial administrational centre in Faizabad, and regional offices in Ishkashim and Zebāk. Their work stretches across Badakhshan, operating also in Tajikistan. AKDN provides the medical facilities in Zebāk and Ishkashim (see 3.7 Medical Situation).

3.8.1 Ishkashim

In addition to the health facilities, the AKDN provides adult literacy courses in the Ishkashim region, it runs water and sanitation projects, and provides electricity with hydro power installations. Through their micro finance services, they provide small loans for people who want to start a business.

3.8.2 Sanglech

In the Sanglech valley the AKDN planted fruit trees in Esketul and has built a dam on the river near Dashte Rubāt.

4. Research Goals

4.1 Assumptions

We assumed the following, based on the most recent research by Miller and Backstrom and the linguistic literature mentioned before.

  1. The Sanglechi have a strong ethnolinguistic identity and their language shows a high degree of vitality, due to the isolation of the Sanglech area.
  2. There are widely varying levels of proficiency in Dari, the language of wider communication, especially in the Sanglech valley. The level of Dari might be lower in the Sanglech valley compared to the Ishkashim area, because of lower accessibility by road. We also assume that the proficiency of Dari among women is lower compared to men.
  3. There is considerable linguistic similarity between the two speech varieties Ishkashimi and Sanglechi, but it is not clear whether they are inherently intelligible.

4.2 Objective

The objective of this language survey was, firstly, to find out whether the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi people can be adequately served with primary school education and literacy programs in Dari; or whether they would benefit from language development in their own speech varieties, including primary school education in their vernacular. And secondly, if language development is needed, would the people be adequately served with a joint Ishkashimi and Sanglechi language development programme or would they need separate programmes?

Research Questions

  1. Living conditions: What basic information can we find out about the people groups living in the Ishkashim area and the Sanglech valley (location, population, living conditions, education, infrastructure etc.)?
  2. Vitality: What is the long term perspective on the vitality of the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi speech varieties?
  3. Attitude: What attitudes do the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi people have towards their own vernacular, the other variety, and towards Dari?
  4. Bilingualism: How proficient are the different segments (men/women, older/younger) of the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi people in Dari?
  5. Intelligibility: To what extend are the Ishkashimi and the Sanglechi speech varieties inherently mutually intelligible? And to what extend is Afghan Ishkashimi intelligible with Tajik Ishkashimi?

5. Methodology

This section explains the methodology used for researching the Sanglechi and the Ishkashimi speech varieties.

5.1 Sampling

5.1.1 General

We used stratified quota sampling broken down by gender and age. We drew the age division at 30. The reason for that age division is that systematic and regular school education has only started fairly recently in both the Ishkashim and the Sanglech areas. Therefore only the younger generation, up to 30 (though often younger), has had the chance to really benefit from school education. This, besides general maturity, is the main factor that is likely to make a difference in the life of a younger person compared to an older person.

While the sample taken was not random, obtaining a random sample would not have been culturally appropriate. The fact that we were able to interview both men and women of different age groups helped to ensure that the information gathered was reasonably representative of the entire community. Furthermore, no list of all the members of the communities existed from which we could have extracted a random sample. A drawback was that during the summer many Ishkashimi and Sanglechi women work in the summer pastures with their animals, and so were not in the village available for interviews. Therefore, more interviews were completed with men than with women.

Interviews across gender in both locations were possible only when a female researcher was interviewing a male respondent — the other way around would not be acceptable in the area surveyed. This is due to the greater latitude afforded to foreign women when it comes to relating to local men compared to that which the local people show to their own women.

5.1.2 Ishkashim

In order to ascertain in which villages Ishkashimi speakers live, we interviewed the governor of the Ishkashim area, the head of the Ishkashimi district office of the education ministry, and the headmasters of the girls' school and the boys' school in Ishkashim — who are both Ishkashimi themselves. They all isolated the villages of Bāhār Bāzār, Zargarān and Xermani as having most Ishkashimi inhabitants. We made appointments with the respective village elders, usually the head of the Shorā, at which time they would assemble the Ishkashimi-speaking people of the village for us to talk to them.

Table 1 shows the number of questionnaires completed in the different villages of the Ishkashim area according to the strata of gender and age.

Village Xermani Bāhār Bāzār Zargarān Total
Gender Male Female Male Female Male Female
Age up to 30 over 30 up to 30 over 30 up to 30 over 30 up to 30 over 30 up to 30 over 30 up to 30 over 30
VEQ   1       1       1     3
WL   1       1       1     3
SQ 3 3 2 5 0 3 1 0 1 3 2 3 26
PSQ 3 2 2 2 0 3 1 0 0 5 1 0 19
RTT 3 5 2 3 1 3 0 0 0 5 0 0 22
Total 9 12 6 10 1 11 2 0 1 15 3 3 73

Table 1: Completed questionnaires in the Ishkashim area

In every village we completed the Village Elder Questionnaire (VEQ) with a knowledgeable member of the community, and we took a word list (WL). We used Sociolinguistic Questionnaires (SQ) and Proficiency Storying Questionnaire (PSQ), and we conducted Recorded Text Testing (RTT), with men and women of different ages. If there were not enough people assembled we asked the village elder or someone else, to find more individuals.

Dari was used as the medium for asking the questions to the men and women. A translator from Dari to Ishkashimi was not needed.

5.1.3 Sanglech

We had assumed that there might be differences between the speech in Sar-Sanglech, the highest village in the valley and the other villages, because Sar-Sanglech is five hours walk away from the closest village further down the valley, whereas the other villages are much closer to each other. Therefore we planned to include Sar-Sanglech in the sample. But when we were in Eskatul a soldier who had just come back from Sar-Sanglech gave reports of an armed conflict there between the villagers, Afghan travellers and Pakistani men crossing the near border. Therefore the sergeant of the three policemen, who the district governor of Zebāk had sent with us, decided that it would not be safe for us to go there. So we visited Dashte Rubāt, the first village in the valley, Faruq, the third village and Esketul, the fifth village. Thus the sample included every second of the six villages along the Sanglech valley, starting at the lower entrance to the valley. The people in the other villages reported that there is no, or a very minor, difference between the Sanglechi spoken in Sar-Sanglech and the other villages. Although all the reported data is consistent, as we were unable to visit Sar-Sanglech in person we remain uncertain about whether any linguistic or sociolinguistic differences between Sar-Sanglech and the other villages exist.

Table 2 presents the number of questionnaires completed in the villages of the Sanglech valley according to the strata of gender and age.

Village       Total
Gender Male Female Male Female Male Female
Age up to 30 over 30 up to 30 over 30 up to 30 over 30 up to 30 over 30 up to 30 over 30 up to 30 over 30
VEQ   1       1       1     3
WL   1       1       1     3
SQ 2 4 3 3 1 2 2 2 2 3 2 1 27
PSQ 2 2 1 2 3 1 1 0 2 2 2 1 19
RTT 6 5 0 3 2 1 3 2 2 3 1 1 29
Total 10 13 4 8 6 6 6 4 6 10 5 3 81

Table 2: Completed questionnaires in the Sanglech valley

In each village we conducted one Village Elder Interview, we took one word list, and we interviewed men and women of different age with the remaining interview forms. The villagers assembled when they realized that foreigners had come to the village. Besides that, the policemen spread the news that we wished to talk to people. Also, we interviewed men we met while walking in the villages, and when we were invited into houses we used the opportunity to question the women.

Dari was used as the language of communication for interviews with the men. For most interviews with women we used a man from each village with a good proficiency of Dari as a translator.

5.2 Village Elder Questionnaire

In every village we visited - Ishkashim, Bāhār Bāzār, Zargarān and Xermani around Ishkashim, and Dashte Rubāt, Faruq and Esketul in Sanglech - we administered a village elder questionnaire to a knowledgeable member of the community, a member of the Shorā or the headmaster of the school. The questionnaire included basic demographic and language questions, questions about education, marriage patterns of the villagers, living conditions in the village (nutrition, medical situation, water, electricity etc.) and help provided from outside (see Appendix B: Village Elder Questionnaire).

5.3 Sociolinguistic Questionnaire

Individual sociolinguistic questionnaires were administered to between 4 and 12 people in each village we visited. The questionnaire was geared towards gaining information about the domains in which different languages are used and, connected with this, about the vitality of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi. Besides this, they were designed to find out the people's attitude towards the different languages. In addition to this, they inquired about mutual intelligibility of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi in Afghanistan, as well as of Afghan and Tajik Ishkashimi.

The questions covered demographics, language use and language domains of Ishkashimi or Sanglechi and Dari. The respondents were asked about marriage and travel patterns, education and work connected to language in the individual's family. (See Appendix C: Sociolinguistic Questionnaire).

5.4 Proficiency Storying Questionnaire

To research the bilingual proficiency with Dari we used a Proficiency Storying Questionnaire. Interviewees were asked to answer questions and tell stories about their individual experience using Dari. The questionnaire inquires about real situations that occurred in the past when the respondents used, or tried to use, Dari. Compared to the "Self Evaluation Questionnaire" this was more appropriate in this cultural setting: people are not used to thinking about hypothetical situations as they are required to in the "Self Evaluation Questionnaire". Further, as guests we felt it was inappropriate to carry out any formal testing. This method was also used for sociolinguistic assessment in Tajikistan and is described by Thiessen (Thiessen 2005).

The Proficiency Storying Questionnaire consisted of a series of questions, each concerning a situation likely experiences by respondents which they used Dari (like talking to a trader or doctor). They were encouraged to describe the situation and any language related difficulties they encountered. They then estimated whether other people they know would have had more or less difficulty handling the same situation.

Each task is assigned a level of difficulty on the basis of the Interagency Language Roundtable (ILR, 1985)[4] , from Level 1 (Elementary Proficiency) to Level 5 (Native or Bilingual Proficiency). The tasks are organized in increasing order of difficulty as the questionnaire progresses. Where respondents indicated that they carried out all the tasks assigned to a particular level, and also to all questions at preceding levels, they are deemed to be proficient in Dari to that level. The questions are divided according the ILR levels as follows: 1/2, 2+/3, 3+/4, 4+/5.

The questionnaire included the section 'Childhood Language Use' to find out the nature of the respondent's first exposure to Dari and at what age they feel they began to function well in Dari. It also includes the section 'Community Proficiency', which explored community proficiency in Dari in the past and the present, especially the respondents' projection of what children's proficiency will be like. In addition to that the respondents were asked about their language contact with Dari, like travel patterns into Dari-speaking areas, contact with Dari-speaking guests etc. (see Appendix D: Proficiency Storying Questionnaire).

5.5 Word List

To determine the degree of lexical similarity between Ishkashimi and Sanglechi we elicited Ishkashimi word lists in Xermani, Bāhār Bāzār and Zargarān. We took Sanglechi word lists in Esketul, Faruq and Dashte Rubāt. We used a 274-item word list composed of the Swadesh 200 Wordlist (Swadesh 1955) and a list that was used earlier for brief linguistic assessments of Pamir languages in Badakhshan (Miller 2006). We omitted several words which are items we knew would be unknown in this remote area. It seemed to be inappropriate to ask verbs in the infinitive form from people with mostly very basic or no education. Instead we asked for each verb (46 items) in the 3rd person singular past and non-past tense (see Appendix A: Word List Result).

The elicited word lists were entered into the computer program WORDSURV (Wimbish 1998; JAARS 1994) for further analysis. The program performs a count of shared vocabulary between lists based on similarity groupings, classifying apparent cognates "based on their appearance", rather than historical analysis.

5.6 Recorded Text Testing

We used Recorded Text Testing (RTT), originally developed by Casad (1974). We recorded personal stories from individuals (to ensure the content is not predictable by the listeners) in Ishkashimi and Sanglechi. We used a story about an adventure with a wolf from an Ishkashimi man living in Bāshend (part of Zargarān) in the Sanglech valley. We also recorded two very brief Sanglechi stories from a man living in Dashte Rubāt and used them in the Ishkashimi villages. They are tale-like stories which the story teller made up as he told them.

During each RTT, the subject listened first to the whole story. The second time we paused the recording about after every two sentences, and asked the testee to retell what they had heard. When the person's proficiency in Dari was high, they retold the story in Dari. If not, they retold the story in Sanglechi and another person translated into Dari for our sake. We scored the retelling of the story with 2 points for correct/almost correct retelling, one point if about half was retold correctly and with 0 points if the test person had reproduced nothing or almost nothing of the section in question. We probed for missing information with appropriate questions, in case people had understood but did not remember to retell. We made notes of the items that were missing in spite of the probing to find out any inconsistencies within the story or to find the reason for any reoccurring mistakes. In this way we came up with a percentage of each person's reproduction of the story and of an average for all the test persons.

Because of the geographic distance and because of the remote location of the Sanglech valley we expected that there would be little contact between people from Ishkashim and Sanglech. We supposed that many people would have had very limited or no previous contact with speakers of the other speech variety. Especially for women we supposed this to be the case because they tend to travel less than men. In view of these factors, we assumed that testing for inherent, as opposed to acquired, intelligibility between the two varieties would be possible. To confirm this, the RTT result sheet contains a section about the individual's travel patterns, and contact with speakers of the other variety.

See Appendix F (Stories for RTT (with breaks) and questionnaire) for the transcription and translation of the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi stories, with indications about how they were broken up for the RTT and for the questionnaire that was included in the RTT.

5.7 Observation

Throughout the whole journey we observed people interacting with each other: interacting in the street, in the houses, interactions of people working together and, of course, interactions with us as foreign researchers. As all researchers possessed a Dari or Farsi proficiency level of at least 3, we were able to follow most interactions that took place in Dari. Observation was especially important as an additional informal means for assessing the bilingual ability of the population. we were able to estimate through observation and conversation whether people's proficiency in Dari was less than, roughly equal to, or higher than level 3.

6. Results

This section contains the results obtained. The presentation of results is divided into the areas of language domains, language attitudes, bilingualism with Dari, and the intercomprehension of Ishkashimi, Sanglechi and Tajik Ishkashimi.

6.1 Domains of Languages

This section analyses language use by domain.

The domains of language are divided into primary and secondary domains. Table 3 shows which domains are considered primary and which secondary.

Primary Domains

Secondary Domains

Private Domain
Community Domain

Education Domain
Religious Domain
Travel and Trade
Media
Administration

Table 3: Division of language domains in primary and secondary domains

The vast majority of people's daily interactions occur in the private domain and the community domain, therefore we consider them primary domains. The "private domain" refers to family life, that is, language use within the context of family interactions; "community domain" refers to the village life, to the language use within the neighbourhood in daily interactions. From infancy onwards every child is part of the family and the community and these are the domains where the child first acquires its language. Many only have very limited, or no, access to the other domains, like education, religion, travel and trade, media, and administration. Therefore we consider them secondary domains.

The information presented in the following section is the result of the answers given in the Sociolinguistic Questionnaires and the Village Elder Questionnaires.[5]

6.1.1 Ishkashim

Private Domain

The older generation uses mainly Ishkashimi and some Dari within the family. The younger generation uses Ishkashimi and Dari to a similar extent at home. Children tend to speak Dari among each other.

Table 4 summarizes how the respondents describe the language use within their families.

 

Ishkashimi

Dari

Wakhi

N/A

Total

L with parents*

23

2

3

0

26

L with siblings*

22

5

2

0

26

L with spouse*

16

9

1

3

26

L with children*

15

11

1

3

26

L with relatives*

18

18

2

2

26

Table 4: Languages used within families
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

Most people interviewed have Ishkashimi-speaking parents. Only three have a father who does not speak Ishkashimi (2 Dari, 1 Wakhi). Ten interviewees have a mother who does not speak Ishkashimi (4 Dari, 6 Wakhi). Only three of them do not speak exclusively Ishkashimi with their parents, but speak some Dari or Wakhi as well. Most also speak Ishkashimi to their siblings; the others use Dari or Wakhi with them in addition to Ishkashimi.

The situation will present itself differently in the next generation: Only about two thirds of the interviewees are married to an Ishkashimi spouse and they speak Ishkahsimi to each other. Six Ishkashimi men are married to someone other than an Ishkashimi-speaking wife (4 are married to a Dari speaker and 2 to a Wakhi speaker). Three of these speak Dari to their Dari-speaking wife. One of them has learned Ishkashimi well enough to understand it. One man speaks Ishkashimi to his Dari-speaking wife, and she has acquired it. Both men who have a Wakhi wife speak in Dari to her. Two Ishkashimi women are married to Dari-speaking husbands. These couples speak Dari to each other.

One couple speaks Dari to each other, even though both partners consider their mother tongue to be Ishkashimi. In one family the parents speak Ishkashimi to each other but Dari with their children. In another family the father says he speaks Ishkashimi to his children, and they reply in Dari. We observed young children usually speaking Dari to each other.

Most interviewees use Ishkashimi and Dari when they speak to their relatives. Of the 26 interviewees 11 claimed that only Ishkashimi is spoken in their house. However, on average Dari and Ishkashimi are probably used equally within the primary domain of the family.

Community Domain

The Ishkashimi speak Dari and Ishkashimi to a similar extent within the primary domain of the village community.

Table 5 summarizes the languages used in the village community, taking the language of village elders and of pre-school children as representative.

 

Ishkashimi

Dari

N/A

Total

L of elders

to each other*

21

8

3

26

to elders of other comm.*

21

19

3

26

to people*

20

9

3

26

in speeches*

13

13

3

26

L of people in the village*

4

4

0

4

L pre-school children know*

17

17

0

26

L of teachers outside classes*

10

10

7

26

Table 5: Languages used within the village communities
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

About two thirds of the village elders report they use Ishkashimi with each other. The other third reports using Dari. A similar trend emerges regarding speech between the elders and the people of the village. Village elders report that about half of the conversations between elders of different villages happen in Ishkashimi and half in Dari, it is likewise in public speeches.

Most Ishkashimi people constantly switch between Ishkashimi and Dari in their own village. The Community domain is split between Dari and Ishkashimi. All village elders agree that the languages spoken in the three villages are Dari and Ishkashimi.

The majority of the children in the communities grow up bilingual in Dari and Ishkashimi. Only very few know only one of the two languages. Native Ishkashimi teachers often speak Ishkashimi to the Ishkashimi students outside of school, even though classes are held in Dari only.

Table 6 presents the languages used with guests visiting the Ishkashimi villages.

 

Ishkashimi

Dari

Wakhi

N/A

Total

L with guests*

1

16

1

10

26

L with Ishkashimi from Tajikistan

23

0

0

3

26

Table 6: Languages used with guests coming from outside the Ishkashim area
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

Guests from outside the Ishkashim area are mostly spoken to in Dari, only one person added that sometimes they understand Ishkashimi or Wakhi. Frequently Ishkashimi from Tajikistan visit the Ishkashim area in Afghanistan and most interviewees have contact with them. They come to visit relatives, to buy material or for research. People report that there is no difference between the Ishkashimi language of Afghanistan and Tajikistan. They say that they can understand each other perfectly. One person added: "They speak just like we do".

Within the village community Ishkashimi and Dari are used to an approximately equal extent.

Education Domain

Dari is the language almost exclusively used in the secondary domain of education, but in a few instances Ishkashimi is used for education as well.

Table 7 presents the languages that are used in school by the teachers and students. Most of the answers were given by parents about their own children and their children's teachers.

 

Ishkashimi

Dari

N/A

Total

L of instruction in school*

1

22

4

26

L teachers use during lessons*

9**

10***

5

26

L students use during breaks*

7

17

4

26

Table 7: Languages used in school
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.
** Ishkashimi very seldom for explanations along with Dari
*** only Dari, no Ishkashimi

Dari is the language of instruction in the schools, as it is throughout most parts of Afghanistan. All school books used in the school in Ishkashim are in Dari. The Ishkashimi-speaking teachers indicated willingness to help the students in Ishkashimi and give explanations in Ishkashimi, in case they would need it. Some respondents pointed out that there is no need for help in Ishkashimi because the students are fluent in Dari before they enter school. During the breaks some students speak Ishkashimi to each other. It seems that on school grounds Dari is used almost exclusively, because the majority of students in the school in Ishkashim are Dari-speaking.

Religious Domain

Dari is almost exclusively used in the secondary domain of religion in the Ishkashim area, for the Khalifas' preaching and people's personal prayers.

Table 8 shows the languages used by the worshippers and by the Khalifa performing their religious duties.

 

Ishkashimi

Dari

Arabic

N/A

Total

L Khalifa uses for preaching*

1

25

0

1

26

L for personal prayer*

2

23

5

1

26

Table 8: Languages used by the Khalifa and for personal prayer
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

Everyone agreed that the Khalifa uses Dari for preaching. One person added that he sometimes uses Ishkashimi as well. When asked, why the Khalifa does not preach in Ishkashimi, people explained that not everyone understands Ishkashimi. They also pointed out that the prayers are written down in Dari, as is the religious instruction about the Ismaili faith. Everything concerning the religious edification of the people, like letters from the Aga Khan that are passed on from higher religious authorities to the Khalifas in the villages for reading to the people, are written in Dari.

Almost everyone said that they use Dari for personal prayers. Only few claim to use Arabic. One person explained that the older people use Ishkashimi and the younger ones Dari. In fact the only person who said she only prays in Ishkashimi was an elderly woman. In the domain of religion almost exclusively Dari is used.

Travel and Trade

Dari is the dominant language in the secondary domain of travel and trade, only occasionally Ishkashimi used in some interactions is as well.

Table 9 summarizes the languages used at the market in Ishkashim.

 

Ishkashimi

Dari

N/A

Total

L used at the market*

4

22

4

26

Table 9: Languages used at the Market
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

The only market in the area is in the town of Ishkashim. The people from the surrounding villages walk to Ishkashim to buy their supplies. Dari is spoken almost exclusively there. Ishkashimi shoppers talk only occasionally in Ishkashimi to Ishkashimi-speaking shopkeepers. Sometimes Ishkashimi people speak Ishkashimi to each other so that they cannot be understood by Dari speakers to gain an advantage in bargaining. A few women do not visit the market at all but instead rely on the men of their household to buy the necessary supplies.

Table 10 presents the languages used when travelling or living outside the Ishkashim area.

 

Ishk.

Dari

Wakhi

Pashto

N/A

Total

L for travel outs. Ishkashim area*

0

16

2

0

8

26

L used while working outside*

0

22

0

1

5

26

L used in military service

0

2

0

0

24

26

L used in Tajik (with Ishkashimi)

10

0

0

0

16

26

Table 10: Language used during travel
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

People (mostly men) frequently travel to bigger cities like Bahrak, Faizabad and Kabul. Some travel to Herat, Mazar and Kunduz, a few even to Pakistan. This is to buy household supplies that are not available in Ishkashim, or are cheaper in other places. Another reason for travel is to visit relatives. Some families have relatives in Zebāk, in the Wakhan or in Bahrak. Occasionally people take patients to the hospital in Faizabad or Kabul. Some men travel for work reasons to the Wakhan, to the Shughnan or Faizabad. In all these places the Ishkashimi speak Dari.

Not much employment is offered in the Ishkashim area and so some men from each village work for some years in an Afghan city (like Bahrak, Faizabad or Kabul), or in Pakistan to earn money for their family. In Afghanistan they use Dari, one person acquired Urdu while working in Pakistan. Two men reported they had served in the military for several years in Kabul and spoke Dari there.

Some people have gone to Ryn in Tajikistan, where Ishkashimi is spoken, mostly to visit relatives. They said that in recent years there has been a lot of travelling to Tajikistan, but it has become difficult, because now a passport is required to travel across the border. People who have been in Tajikistan report that the Ishkashimi used there is the same and very easy to understand.

Dari is the dominant language in the domain of travel and trade; Ishkashimi is only used occasionally.

Media

Dari is almost exclusively used in the secondary domain of media, it is the only language with books and primarily with the radio.

Table 11 shows the languages used in books and on the radio.

 

Ishkashimi

Dari

Pashto

N/A

Total

L of listening to radio*

0

25

8

2

26

L of books read

0

12

0

14

26

Table 11: Languages used for media
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

Almost every interviewee reported that they listen to the Dari-speaking programs on the radio. Some also listen to the Pashto programs. One respondent said he hopes for an Ishkashimi program in the future.

Almost half of the interviewees reported that they read books in Dari mostly school books and work related books, but also history and poetry books. Nearly a third of the subjects (both men and women) are illiterate because they did not have the chance to go to school. One woman had gone to school until 8th grade, however she says she can hardly read.

Dari is the exclusive language for the domain of media; Ishkashimi is not used.

Administration

In the secondary domain of government administration only Dari is used.

Table 12 summarizes the language used with government officials.

 

Ishkashimi

Dari

N/A

Total

L with government officials

0

25

1

26

Table 12: Language used with government officials

Everyone said they speak Dari to government officials. Women usually do not speak to government officials so they reported about the male members of their family. The nearest government post, the district level, is in the town of Ishkashim. As government workers are usually is sent from other provinces to their post, the governor of Ishkashim is not an Ishkashimi-speaker but a native Dari-speakers. Therefore exclusively Dari is used in the domain of administration.

6.1.2 Sanglech

Private Domain

Sanglechi is the only language spoken in the primary domain of the home and the family

Table 13 summarizes how the respondents describe their language use within their families, towards the different members of the family.

 

Sanglechi

Dari

N/A

Total

L with parents

27

0

0

27

L with siblings

27

0

0

27

L with spouse

26

1

0

27

L with children

26

0

1

27

L with relatives*

27

6

0

27

Table 13: Languages used within families
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

All interviewees said they speak Sanglechi with their parents. Everyone we interviewed has a Sanglechi-speaking father and almost everyone has a Sanglechi-speaking mother. We found only two people who have a Dari-speaking mother, but they speak Sanglechi to her. Everyone speaks Sanglechi to his or her siblings. Almost everyone has a Sanglechi-speaking spouse, except two men, who are married to women who are mother tongue Dari speakers. These wives had to acquire Sanglechi after marriage. One of these couples speaks Dari to each other, the other speaks Sanglechi. Every interviewee with children raises them speaking only Sanglechi.

Of the 27 interviewees most speak only Sanglechi to their relatives, but six people have Dari-speaking relatives and speak Dari with them. Everyone claims that there is only Sanglechi in the house, except in the cases where the wife is a mother tongue Dari speaker, and then the husband speaks at least some Dari to her.

Exclusively Sanglechi is used in the private domain of family and home.

Community Domain

The Sanglechi almost exclusively use their vernacular in the primary domain of the community. They speak Dari only to the very few outsiders who visit the village.

Table 14 summarizes the languages used in the village community, taking the language use of the village elder and of the pre-school children as representative.

 

Sanglechi

Dari

N/A

Total

L of elders

to each other*

27

0

3

27

to elders of other comm.*

22

13

3

27

to people*

27

0

3

27

in speeches*

27

0

3

27

L of people in the village

3

0

0

3

L pre-school children know

23

0

4

27

L of teachers outside classes*

7

11

10

27

Table 14: Languages used within the village communities
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

The three village elders use Sanglechi when talking to each other, when talking to the people in their village and in public speeches. They only speak Dari to village elders from other communities who do not know Sanglechi.

Sanglechi is the language of the community that children grow up with in their neighbourhood. All parents said that their pre-school children only know Sanglechi. Native Sanglechi school teachers, speak in Sanglechi to the school children when they meet outside school and even on school grounds during breaks between the lessons. However there are not many of these teachers, as the majority of Sanglechi speakers are not educated enough to find work as a teacher.

Table 15 summarizes the languages used with guests who come from outside to the Sanglech valley.

 

Sanglechi

Dari

English

N/A

Total

L with guests*

1

16

1

10

27

Table 15: Languages used with guests from outside the Sanglech valley
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

The Sanglechi people exclusively use Sanglechi with each other in their own villages. They only switch to Dari when a Dari speaker is present (for example when a traveller from Ishkashim or the Warduge valley travels through Sanglech on their way to Pakistan). This reported data was confirmed by multiple observations. As soon as a Sanglechi person turned away from the researcher, during a conversation held in Dari, to greet another Sanglechi person they would revert to speaking Sanglechi.

Education Domain

Dari is the formal language of the secondary domain of education in the Sanglech valley, but Sanglechi is used informally for education as well to a considerable extent.

Table 16 presents the languages that are used in school by the teachers and the students. The answers given here stem mainly from the parents who reported about their children's language use at school and about their children's teachers' language use.

 

Sanglechi

Dari

N/A

Total

L of instruction in school

0

22

5

27

L teachers use during lessons

19*

2**

6

27

L students use during breaks

22

1

4

27

Table 16: Languages used in school
* Sanglechi for explanations along with Dari
** only Dari, no Sanglechi

The language of instruction in the schools is Dari. All school books used in the Sanglech valley are in Dari as well. The teachers who are native Sanglechi speakers help the students in Sanglechi and give explanations in Sanglechi, especially in the lower grades when the students have not fully acquired Dari, yet. During the breaks the students speak almost exclusively Sanglechi to each other and to the Sanglechi-speaking teachers. Even though Dari is the formal language of education, Sanglechi can be considered the informal language of the education domain.

Religious Domain

Dari is the formal language of religion, but Sanglechi is used informally in the secondary domain of religion.

Table 17 shows the languages used by the worshipper and by the Khalifa during the observation of their religious duties.

 

Sanglechi

Dari

Arabic

N/A

Total

L Khalifa uses for preaching*

8

19

0

2

27

L for personal prayer

2

21

2

2

27

Table 17: Languages used by the Khalifa and for personal prayer
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

About two thirds of the people interviewed told us that the Khalifa preaches in Dari, because the prayers and the religious instruction are written down in Dari, and so is the religious instruction about the Ismaili faith. Therefore, Dari is the official language of religion. But the Khalifa also preaches in Sanglechi for the benefit of those who do not speak Dari. Some people explained that his readings are in Dari, but when he proceeds with his own preaching, he does so in Sanglechi. Most of the people interviewed said that they themselves pray in Dari. Dari is therefore also the personal language of religion of most people.

Even though Dari is the formal language of religion, people's practice of religion and their prayers are sometimes carried out in Sanglechi and sermons are translated from Dari into Sanglechi for the benefit of those who do not speak Dari or whose Dari is weak. Therefore it can be considered the informal language of religion.

Travel and Trade

Dari is the dominant language used in the secondary domain of travel and trade. Only occasionally Sanglechi is used as well.

Table 18 summarizes the languages used when talking to traders who come to the Sanglech villages.

 

Sanglechi

Dari

N/A

Total

L used with traders*

3

22

5

27

Table 18: Languages used with traders
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

Those who speak to the traders who are coming to the village to sell their wares mostly do so in Dari. In some cases they use Sanglechi; this is with traders who originally come from the Sanglech valley. Some of the women interviewed do not speak to the traders at all, they do not have access to this domain. It is mostly men's business to buy the household supplies. There is no market within the Sanglech valley.

Table 19 presents the languages used when travelling or living outside the Sanglech valley. This concerns mainly men, the responding women reported about their male family members.

 

Sanglechi

Dari

Urdu

N/A

Total

L used in travel outside Sanglech

0

15

0

12

27

L used while working outside*

0

21

2

5

27

L used in military service

0

8

0

19

27

Table 19: Language used during travel
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

People, mostly men, frequently travel to Afghan cities outside the Sanglech valley, mostly to buy household supplies. The places most frequently travelled to are Zebāk, Ishkashim, Bahrak and Faizabad. Only one man said that he travels to Kabul. People also travel outside the Sanglech valley (normally to Zebāk) to visit relatives or to go to the clinic. Seven of the interviewees (all women) said that they had never left the Sanglech valley.

A few men from each village have worked for some years in other parts of the province (usually Zebāk, Bahrak or Faizabad), in Pakistan or Iran to earn money for their family. This is due to extremely low employment opportunities in the Sanglech valley. Those who move for the purpose of finding employment use Dari if they are in Afghanistan, and acquire Urdu if they are in Pakistan. A few men reported they had served in the military for several years in Zebāk. Very few men had served in Bahrak, Ishkashim or Kabul. They all spoke Dari during that time.

Even though Dari is the dominant language used in travel and trade, Sanglechi is used occasionally; this is with traders who originally come from the Sanglech valley.

Media

Dari is used almost exclusively in the secondary domain of media.

Table 20 shows the languages used with the media of books and radio.

 

Sanglechi

Dari

Pashto

N/A

Total

L of listening to radio*

0

23

3

4

27

L of books read

0

7

0

20

27

Table 20: Languages used for media
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

Most interviewees reported that they listen to the Dari-speaking program on the radio. Three also listen to the Pashto program.

Only a few interviewees claimed that they read books in Dari, mostly school books, but also medical books or poetry. Nearly half of the interviewees (most of them women) are illiterate. Three of these women educated 2nd or 3rd grade but are still unable read.

Dari is almost exclusively used in the domain of media; Sanglechi is not used.

Administration

Only Dari is used in the secondary domain of administration.

Table 21 presents the language used with government officials.

 

Sanglechi

Dari

N/A

Total

L with government officials

0

24

3

27

Table 21: Language used with government officials

Everyone said they speak to government officials in Dari. The women reported that normally the men speak to government officials. The nearest government post, on the district level, is in Zebāk. As government workers are usually sent from other provinces to their post, the governor of Zebāk is not a Sanglechi-speaker but a Dari-speaker. Therefore exclusively Dari is used in the domain of administration.

6.1.3 Summary

Table 22 summarizes the language use of Dari and Ishkashimi or Sanglechi according to the different domains. Other languages, like Urdu and Pashto, which are used very occasionally in some domains are not considered here, because they do not influence the vitality of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi.

  Domain Ishkashim area Sanglech valley
Dari Ishkashim Dari Sanglechi
Primary Domains Private equal none exclusive
Community equal none exclusive
Secondary Domains Education exclusive none formal informal
Religion exclusive none formal informal
Travel/Trade dominant occasional dominant occasional
Media exclusive none exclusive none
Administr. exclusive none exclusive none

Table 22: Overview of domains of language in Ishkashim

In the Ishkashim area Ishkashimi and Dari are used to a similar extent in the primary domains of the family and the community. Ishkashimi is used occasionally in the secondary domain of travel and trade. It is very sporadically spoken in the secondary domains of education and religion, but not enough and not in a structured enough way to be even considered here and to impact the vitality of the language. People mainly use Dari in the remaining secondary domains of media and administration.

In the Sanglech valley, Sanglechi is used almost exclusively in the two primary domains of the family and community. Sanglechi is used informally, but regularly in the secondary domains of education and religion enough to be considered a secondary language in these domains. Dari is used formally in these domains and is therefore the primary language. Dari is the primary and only language used in the remaining secondary domains of travel and trade, media and administration.

6.2 Attitudes

This passage describes which attitudes the Ishkashimi and the Sanglechi people hold towards their vernacular, towards each other's speech variety and towards Dari, the language of wider communication.

6.2.1 Ishkashim

Towards Ishkashimi

Primary Domain: Concerning the family in respect to the future

About half of the interviewees anticipate their children will speak mostly Ishkashimi when they are adults. A few said their children would speak Ishkashimi at home in the future and Dari outside the home.

A few less people expected the primary language of their grandchildren to be Ishkashimi when they grow up. Five people said that although they would like Ishkashimi to be spoken by their grandchildren, they do not expect this to be the case. One person stated that his grandchildren will speak Ishkashimi if they have not forgotten it. One person expects his grandchildren to speak English.

Opinions and experiences were divided about whether people laugh about Ishkashimi speakers because of their language. More than half answered no. Some people said that others laugh a lot about Ishkashimi. However, no one seemed to be greatly troubled or agitated by these incidences.

Secondary Domain: Concerning education in respect to literacy at school

Most of the respondents were of the opinion that it would be the best option for children to be literate in Ishkashimi with an Ishkashimi alphabet. Three people said that they wanted this to happen because then their mother tongue would be preserved. Some parents do not speak Ishkashimi with their children, but still hold the opinion that they should be taught Ishkashimi in school. Among the Ishkashimi, there is a growing awareness that their language is in danger of dying if their children do not learn it. Few people said that Ishkashimi and Dari should be taught at the same time.

Almost all respondents hold the opinion that it would be beneficial to have books in Ishkashimi. Some remarked with great enthusiasm that this would prevent their language from dying. Most wished for medical books, some for children's books or for story books, a few for poetry books, for religious books or for dictionaries in Ishkashimi. Almost everyone claimed they would buy Ishkashimi books if they were available. Some men in Xermani explicitly invited us to come back and start an Ishkashimi language development project. Most people claimed interest in attending an Ishkashimi literacy class. And again most of those indicated willingness to pay for classes. Only three people would not be willing to pay for attending an Ishkashimi literacy course.

Asked about which language people would like to speak better themselves, eighteen respondents answered with Ishkashimi, their mother tongue. Two added, "so it will not be forgotten."

Towards Sanglechi

When people were asked about Sanglechi, they said that it is a backward language. They reported that they do not speak Ishkashimi with Sanglechi people when travelling through the Sanglech valley to Pakistan, as it is too great an effort to try to understand the answers in Sanglechi. Rather they speak in Dari to the Sanglechi. People reported that Ishkashimi people would be able to understand Sanglechi if their time in the Sanglechi area exceeded several days. The Ishkashimi do not consider Sanglechi to be the same language and do not want to be identified with what is in their opinion a rural language.

Towards Dari

Primary Domain: Concerning the family in respect to permission for marriage

All interviewees would allow their sons to marry a Dari-speaking wife. The majority would allow a daughter-in-law from the Wakhan or Shughnan as well. Two people would only allow for a Dari-speaking wife beside an Ishkashimi one, but would not allow for one from any other people group. Most respondents would resent a Wardugi or a Pashto-speaking wife marrying their sons.

Primary Domain: Concerning the family in respect to Dari at home

The interviewees were asked if it is all right for their children to speak Dari at home among each other. The replies to this question varied widely: Five people speak Dari to their children and they are happy that their children speak only Dari as well; six people speak only Dari to their children or mix Dari and Ishkashimi, but they are unhappy that their children do not learn Ishkashimi and speak Dari at home; one person added that when he speaks Ishkashimi to his children, they reply in Dari; six people speak Ishkashimi to their children and they would be upset if their children spoke Dari; and five people speak Ishkashimi to their children and would allow them to speak Dari as well. One of the latter ones specified that they should learn both languages.

Secondary Domain: Concerning education in respect to literacy at school

Three interviewees were of the opinion that the best way to teach literacy in schools is Dari, as is currently practised, because it is a common language of Afghanistan. Three interviewees want to speak Dari better.

6.2.2 Sanglech

Towards Sanglechi

Primary Domain: Concerning the family in respect to the future

The majority of the interviewees anticipate their children will speak Sanglechi when they are adults. Only one person expects it to be Dari. Only a few less anticipate that their grandchildren will speak Sanglechi in the future when they have grown up. One person specified that it would depend on where they live. Another thought it will be Sanglechi as well as Dari if they go to school. No one can imagine that in the future people in the Sanglech valley will not speak Sanglechi any more.

Opinions and experiences were divided whether people laughed about Sanglechi speakers because of their language. Most answered no; many people have spent their entire life so far in Sanglech and never left the valley; they did not have this experience. The others did not seem to be greatly troubled or agitated by these incidences.

Secondary Domain: Concerning Education in respect to literacy at school

Most of the respondents held the opinion that it would be the best option for children to become literate in Sanglechi, with a Sanglechi alphabet, if that were possible. One Sanglechi person added that Sanglechi is spoken in such a few villages that it would not be worthwhile developing a separate alphabet.

No one held a negative opinion towards having books in Sanglechi. Although most respondents said it would be beneficial to have books in their language, the rest could not imagine it to be possible. Of the people who specified what kind of books they would like, most wished for medical books or for school books. Some would like to have poetry books, story books or religious books. One person would like to see a book for outsiders to learn Sanglechi. Almost everyone claimed they would buy Sanglechi books if they were available, some who cannot read themselves would like to buy books for their children. Most people claimed interest in attending a Sanglechi literacy class. And again most of those indicated willingness to pay for such a class.

Asked about which language people would like to speak better themselves, more then half of the respondents answered with Sanglechi, their mother tongue.

Towards Ishkashimi

After listening to the Ishkashimi RTT story, people were asked whether it was good language. Nearly everyone considered it to be a good or very good language. People also responded by saying that they found it to be a nice or sweet language. Only one man said that even though it was a good language, in his area it was spoken in a better way. Most people found it similar to their own language and said they understood all or most of the story.

Towards Dari

Primary Domain: Concerning the family in respect to Dari at home

About half of the respondents said they would be happy if their children spoke Dari at home among each other. When asked why, many gave responses such as: "It means they learned it well." "They have studied their lesson well." "It is the general language in Afghanistan." When asked further whether it would be good if the children spoke only Dari at home instead of Sanglechi, the respondents could not imagine this situation. One person explicitly said that Sanglechi will not die, therefore it is acceptable for the children to speak Dari at home. Because Sanglechi is widely used in the primary domains, and the Sanglechi speakers maintain a positive attitude towards their language, these responses are not evidence of a disregard for the mother tongue, but are rather a positive attitude towards Dari, with a desire for children to learn it.

Primary Domain: Concerning the family in respect to permission for marriage

About two thirds of the respondents would allow their son to marry a Dari-speaking wife. No one would resent a Dari-speaking daughter-in-law specifically, but all those who answered in the negative, would also not allow a daughter-in-law from any other people group. Only one person would permit a Dari-speaking daughter-in-law but not one from another people group.

Secondary Domain: Concerning education in respect to literacy at school

Only five respondents said they would prefer their children to become literate in Dari rather than Sanglechi in school, right from the first grade as is current practise. When asking the question the researcher pointed out that if children were to become literate in Sanglechi they would still learn Dari at a later stage. Therefore, the low result for Dari does not indicate a disregard for Dari, but rather reflects the realisation that children struggle in school with the language of instruction, even though teachers help by giving explanations in Sanglechi. This was made obvious by the inter-viewees' frequent remarks during the section about school education, like "It is difficult for them."

Secondary Domain: Concerning education in respect to Dari as a second language

About a quarter of the respondents wished to speak Dari better as a second language.

6.2.3 Summary

Figure 2 shows which languages the respondents wish to improve.

Figure 2

Figure 2: Desired language to improve*
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

The wish to improve or acquire a language is a strong indicator about the attitude one holds towards that language. The majority of both Ishkashimi and Sanglechi people named their own language. Besides this, English was mentioned most often in Ishkashim, and Dari in Sanglech. Most people did not consider it important to acquire Dari; partly because they already know Dari well enough (in case of the Ishkashimi) or they do not need it in their every day life (in case of Sanglechi).

Figure 3 shows what language parents would like their children to become literate, in at primary school.

Figure 3

Figure 3: Desired Language of literacy in primary school

The language one would choose for their children's primary education is a strong indicator of a positive attitude towards that language. The vast majority of interviewees in Ishkashim and in Sanglech chose their mother tongue. Only a few chose Dari.

Figure 4 shows to which liaisons parents would give their consent for their children, besides a marriage with someone from their own language group.

Figure 4

Figure 4: Permission for Marriage*
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

People's attitude towards marriages that cross ethnolinguistic boundaries can be an indicator of their attitude towards the other linguistic group in question. Most parents would agree to a marriage between their son or daughter and a Dari-speaking partner. Only a few less would give permission to marriage with a partner from any other people group.

Figures 5 and 6 present what language interviewees think children and grandchildren will be using most in the future.

Figure 5

Figure 5: Estimated language of children in the future*

Figure 6

Figure 6: Estimated language of grandchildren in the future*
* Some respondents gave multiple answers.

Only about half of the Ishkashimi respondents think that their mother tongue will still be spoken by the next generation. This figure decreases even more for the generation after that. Most of the others assume that it will be Dari. However, the vast majority of the Sanglechi respondents feel certain that future generations will still use the mother tongue.

Figure 7 presents how parents feel about their children speaking Dari at home, in both hypothetical and non-hypothetical cases.

Figure 7

Figure 7: Dari at home for children

The Ishkashimi seem to be somewhat divided about the fact that their children speak Dari in the home. Half of them find it acceptable and the other half do not. It is important to note that for about half of the respondents this is not a hypothetical question — their children do speak Dari at home, at least part of the time (see 6.1.1 Ishkashim area, Private Domain). In Sanglech, no children speak Dari at home, but about half of the respondents would accept it if it were the case.

6.3 Bilingualism with Dari

This section describes the varying levels of proficiency of Dari throughout the different population segments in the Ishkashim area and in the Sanglech valley, and aims to give reasons for these findings.

6.3.1 Ishkashim

Nearly every Ishkashimi speaker has Dari proficiency of at least level 3. Most men possess a Dari proficiency level between 4 and 5.

Figure 8 presents the result of the Proficiency Storying Questionnaire in the Ishkashim area with the average results stratified according to gender and age.

Figure 8

Figure 8: Average Proficiency Levels in Dari in Ishkashim, Men and Women, in regard to Age

Younger and older men have an average bilingual ability in Dari of level 4 to 5 on the ILR scale. Younger women's ILR level in Dari is level 4, on average. Older women's level is slightly over 3. Men's proficiency in Dari is generally higher than women's because men travel more frequently to Dari-speaking areas. Younger women possess a higher Dari proficiency than older women, because more of them have had the chance to benefit from general education. Most children in the Ishkashim area now grow up learning Dari and Ishkashimi.

6.3.2 Sanglech

Most Sanglechi men have Dari proficiency of about level 3, women's Dari proficiency is usually in the range of level 0+ to 1+.

Figure 9 presents the result of the Proficiency Storying Questionnaire in the Sanglech valley with the average results stratified according to gender and age.

Figure 9

Figure 9: Average Proficiency Levels in Dari in Sanglech, Men and Women, in regard to Age

As the chart shows, the women's level of Dari is far lower than the men's level of Dari. The average of younger women's level is 1+, of older women it is between 0+ and 1. Young men's average proficiency is between 2+ and 3 and older men's is between 3 and 3+. The men's superiority in Dari is due to their frequent travel to Dari-speaking areas outside Sanglech: to other parts of Badakhshan or even to Kabul. They travel for various reasons: to buy supplies for their families at markets, to work (for several months or years) in Afghan cities, most frequently Faizabad, or to serve in the military. Women seldom travel to areas outside the Sanglech valley.

There is a connection between age and proficiency in Dari. Younger women have higher proficiency due to their school education. For men it is the other way around: older men usually have had more contact with Dari speakers during their lifetime and are therefore more proficient in Dari than younger men.

6.3.3 Summary

All Ishkashimi are highly proficient in Dari. They have the opportunity to learn Dari well from their early childhood. They know Dari at least as well as they know Ishkashimi, some probably know it better, because they were educated in Dari.

On the whole, people living in the Sanglech valley do not have the opportunity to learn, and practice, Dari. This is especially true for women. Most men do not pass level 3 proficiency in Dari because their living environment is such that only basic conversations in Dari are required of them. These conversations mainly take place at the market and when talking about livestock and farming with guests. Men tend to overestimate their ability of Dari, because they can easily cope with basic every-day Dari requirements and they are usually not challenged further.

Our observation and our communication with the people confirmed the results given by the Proficiency Storying Questionnaire in both the Ishkashim area and the Sanglech valley.

While Dari literature is sufficient to serve the Ishkashimi people group, the Sanglechi can not be served adequately with literature in Dari. Generally, if a significant segment of speakers within a community has not achieved level 3 proficiency in a certain language, this language is not considered adequate for literature (Kindell, 1991). Even though, according to their own estimation, we found some men speaking Dari at this level, no woman has level 3 proficiency.

6.4 Intercomprehension of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi and Tajik Ishkashimi

This section presents the lexical similarity of the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi speech varieties and analyses to what degree they are inherently intelligible to each other.

6.4.1 Lexical Similarity of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi

The lexical similarity within the Ishkashimi villages is about 90%, as it is within the Sanglechi villages. The lexical similarity of the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi word lists is an average 72%.

We elicited word lists in six villages: the Ishkashimi villages Xermani, Bāhār Bāzār and Zargarān; and the Sanglechi villages Faruq, Dashte Rubāt and Esketul. The word lists were elicited from men, because most women's proficiency in Dari was not sufficient to be used for the elicitation. We only used men, whenever possible a group of men, who were long-term residents of their respective villages.

Table 23 presents the lexical similarity within the Ishkashimi villages and within the Sanglechi villages. It also shows the lexical similarity between the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi speech variety.

Xermani
91% Bāhār Bāzār
88% 89% Zargarān
73% 72% 73% Faruq
73% 72% 71% 91% Dashte Rubāt
71% 71% 70% 90% 92% Esketul

Table 23: Lexical Similarity

The lexical similarity within the Ishkashimi villages is 89% on average. Within the Sanglechi villages it is 91%. Both numbers are slightly lower than expected, considering most people's statements that there are no differences between the varieties spoken in the villages within the Ishkashim and Sanglech areas, respectively. However, the low result can be explained when one considers that people often use their own Ishkashimi or Sanglechi words and Dari loan words interchangeably. The difference often resulted in a Dari word given in one place and a Ishkashimi or Sanglechi word in an other place. We assume that it could easily have been the other way around and people in both places understand both words. This observation applies to men who travel in Dari-speaking areas. It could have been different had we elicited the word lists from women.

The lexical similarity of the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi word lists is an average 72%. According to Bergman lexical similarity less than about 70% generally indicates the presence of different languages. If the similarity is more than 70%, dialect intelligibility testing is needed to determine how well people can understand the other speech form (Bergman 1990) . Therefore, a lexical similarity of 72% makes intelligibility testing necessary. The following section gives the results of intelligibility testing between the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi varieties.

6.4.2 Intelligibility Testing using Recorded Texts

For the RTT in Ishkashim villages a Sanglechi story was used, and for the RTT in the Sanglechi villages an Ishkashimi story was used. After the RTT was administered, interviewees were asked about the amount and kind of their contact with people from the other speech variety. We especially asked whether they had lived in the area of the other speech variety for any lengh of time, whether they travel there regularly or occasionally and for what reason, and whether they receive guests from there. According to their answer, the numbers 1 (no or almost no contact at all), 2 (little contact) or 3 (average, regular contact) were assigned.

Recorded Text Testing in Ishkashim

Two very short Sanglechi stories were used for the RTT in Ishkashim. They were recorded in the Sanglechi village Dashte Rubāt. The two stories were played to the subjects one right after the other. Together they are 2:23 minutes long (see Appendix F: Stories for RTTs).

The average Recorded Text Testing score in Ishkashim was 54%, with the lowest score being 20% and the highest 85%.

Figure 10 presents the result of the Recorded Text Testing conducted in Ishkashim with a Sanglechi story. The red dots represent female respondents and the blue dots represent male respondents. The results are presented according to the amount of contact the subject had had with Sanglechi.

Figure 10

Figure 10: RTT-Results in Ishkashim in relation to language contact

The chart indicates a connection between the RTT score and the amount of contact the Ishkashimi people have with the Sanglechi speech variety. The average score of subjects with contact level 1 is 44%, with contact level 2 it is 61% and with contact level 3 it is 78%. Although a clear trend is seen, there were not enough level 3 testees to achieve a representative result for that level. It should be noted that other factors such as aptitude and the level of testees concentration during the test will have affected the result to some degree.

Recorded Text Testing in Sanglech

The Ishkashimi story used for the RTT in Sanglech was recorded in Bāshend, a part of Zargarān, the Ishkashimi village. The man who told the story was a well known story teller and we were introduced to him by the Ishkashimi-speaking head master of the school in Ishkashim. The story is about how the story teller escaped from a wolf attack. It is 1:49 minutes long (see Appendix F: Stories for RTTs).

The average percentage scored in the Recorded Text Testing in Sanglech with the Ishkashimi story was 71%, with the lowest score being 27% and the highest 100%.

Figure 5 presents the result of the Recorded Text Testing conducted in Sanglech. The red dots represent female respondents, the blue dots male respondents. The results are presented according to the amount of language contact the subject had had with Ishkashimi.

Figure 11

Figure 11: RTT-Results in Sanglech in relation to language contact

As the chart shows, there is some connection between contact with Sanglechi and the RTT score. But this connection is not as clear as one would expect. The average score of the 11 subjects with contact level 1 is 54%, of the 12 people with contact level 2 it is 80% as well and of the 6 subjects with contact level 3 it is 80% as well. The different scores of subject with approximately the same level of contact very likely depend on other factors, like concentration or distraction during the test.

Observations concerning the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi RTT

We found no gender-related pattern in the RTT scores besides the fact that women have less contact with the other group. Ishkashimi women seldom travel to Sanglech and Sanglechi women seldom travel to Ishkashim. Women also usually speak little to guests and travellers from the other speech variety. Therefore we did not meet any women with language contact level 3 among the Ishkashimi or Sanglechi. But among those who have language contact one or two, men and women's scores are, when averaged out, about equal.

Also, on the whole people from all the Ishkashimi villages have equal contact with Sanglechi people and vice versa. This is not surprising, as some Ishkashimi travel all the way through the Sanglech valley to Pakistan and Sanglechi from the whole valley go to Ishkashim to buy supplies and to receive medical treatment.

It is striking to see the difference in the result of the Ishkashimi RTT compared to the Sanglechi RTT. While the Ishkashimi scored an average of 54%, the Sanglechi scored an average of 71%. Taking the average of subjects with contact level 1 the difference is less: the Ishkashimi scored 44%, and the Sanglechi scored 54%. The main reason seems to be the attitude people hold towards the other speech variety: The Ishkashimi look down on the Sanglechi and view their language as inferior to their own language. They consider Sanglechi to be a very rural language and they frequently commented that Ishkashimi is a more beautiful language. When one Ishkashimi was asked whether he considered the storyteller to use good language, he responded that the language was good for the storyteller himself. The Ishkashimi say that Sanglechi is very different from their language; they mentioned grammar, vocabulary and pronunciation to be different. However, the people from Sanglech consider Ishkashimi to be a good language. Every RTT subject commented positively about the language the story teller used. They consider it to be a "good", "very good" or "sweet" language. Only one man said that the language in Sanglech is better. In line with that the Sanglechi consider Ishkashimi only to be a little different from their own language. Some did say it is not different. One man said it is "our language". Only a few found it very different.

6.4.3 Comprehension between Afghan and Tajik Ishkashimi

It is very likely that there is a high degree of intelligibility between Afghan Ishkashimi and Tajik Ishkashimi.

In Ishkashim a third of the respondents to the sociolinguistic questionnaire (all men) had previously visited the Ishkashimi-speaking community in Tajikistan. Ishkashimi from Tajikistan also travel to Afghanistan, and most Afghan Ishkashimi have met visiting Tajik Ishkashimi. They come to buy supplies in the bazaar and to visit relatives. All of those who have had contact with Ishkashimi from Tajikistan claim to understand them without difficulty. People made frequent comments, like "there is no difference in our languages," "we understand them well" and "they speak Ishkashimi just like we do." This positive attitude towards the Ishkashimi speech variety in Tajikistan is also shown by comments like "they keep their language well."

Even though we did not collect a word list in Tajik Ishkashimi for comparison and did not carry out RTT testing with Tajik Ishkashim, the uniform answers about the intelligibility of Tajik Ishkashimi allows the assumption that there is a high degree of intelligibility between Afghan and Tajik Ishkashimi.

6.4.4 Summary

The lexical similarity between the different Ishkashimi and Sanglechi word lists is between 70% and 73%. Because this is slightly above the "different-language threshold" intelligibility testing was crucial. The Recorded Text Testing resulted for subjects with contact level 1 in an average of 44% for the Ishkashimi people retelling the Sanglechi story and of 54% for the Sanglechi people retelling the Ishkashimi story. The results of subjects with contact level 1 indicate inherent intelligibility of the two speech varieties. These numbers are too low for the usage of common literature for both speech varieties. Intelligibility of the two varieties is not mutual. The Sanglechi understand more of the Ishkashim variety than the Ishkashimi understand of Sanglechi. This might be due to the bigger sound inventory that Sanglechi has compared to Ishkashimi, especially retroflex sounds that are not found in Ishkashimi (see Appendix A: Word list results). However, it seems to be even more important that the Sanglechi hold a very positive attitude towards the Ishkashimi speech variety, whereas this is not the case the other way around (see 6.2 Attitudes).

7. Discussion

The following discussion of vitality, attitude, bilingualism and intelligibility aims to evaluate the findings described in the result section. The discussion relates back to the objective and to the research questions (see 'Objective').

The objective and the research questions are stated again:

Objective

The objective of this language survey was, firstly, to find out whether the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi people can be adequately served with primary school education and literacy programs in Dari; or whether they would benefit from language development in their own speech varieties, including primary school education in their vernacular. And secondly, if language development is needed, would the people be adequately served with a joint Ishkashimi and Sanglechi language development programme or would they need separate programmes?

Research Questions

  1. Living conditions: What basic information can we find out about the people group living in the Ishkashim area and the Sanglech valley (location, population, living conditions, education, infrastructure etc.)?
  2. Vitality: What is the long term perspective on the vitality of the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi speech varieties?
  3. Attitude: What attitudes do the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi people have towards their own vernacular, the other variety, and towards Dari?
  4. Bilingualism: How proficient are the different segments (men/women, older/younger) of the Ishkashimi and Sanglechi people in Dari?
  5. Intelligibility: To what extend are the Ishkashimi and the Sanglechi speech varieties inherently mutually intelligible? And to what extend is Afghan Ishkashimi intelligible with Tajik Ishkashimi?

The answer to the first research question 'Living Conditions' is found in '2.3 Background Information concerning Ishkashim and Sanglech'.

7.1 Vitality of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi

The vitality of Ishkashimi is declining; the vitality of the Sanglechi speech variety is very high.

In the article "Indicators of Ethnolinguistic Vitality" Landweer gives eight factors that indicate the vitality of a language. They are as follows: 1. Relative position on the urban-rural continuum; 2. Domains in which the language is used; 3. Frequency and type of code switching; 4. Population and group dynamics; 5. Distribution of speakers within their own social networks; 6. Social outlook regarding and within the speech community; 7. Language prestige; and 8. Access to a stable and acceptable economic base (Landweer 2000). In this paper we do not want to discuss all these factors, but will rather use factors 1 and 2 as examples to show differences between Ishkashimi and Sanglechi in terms of their vitality.

Concerning factor 1 "Relative position on the urban-rural continuum" Landweer claims that a language located within urban confines would be more affected by other languages and thus be weak, while a language remote from an urban community of other-language speakers would be far less affected by it, and would therefore be strong. The first applies to Ishkashimi: The Ishkashimi-speaking villages are in close proximity to the town of Ishkashim where Dari is spoken. Many Ishkashimi travel daily from their village to Ishkashim to attend school or to go to work. The latter applies to Sanglechi: The Sanglechi people group is secluded from the outside world. Access to Zebāk, the nearest Dari-speaking town, is difficult. Even though it is not very remote geographically, due to people's very limited financial resources, they cannot afford to travel to Zebāk more often than is absolutely necessary. For the same reason they do not send their children for education outside the Sanglech valley.

Concerning factor 2, "Domains in which the language is used," Landweer claims that the less the vernacular is used at home, the lower its vitality will be. Landweer considers the domain of the home to be the foundational social domain. She claims that the vitality of the vernacular is high if it is used at home, for cultural events, social events, and in other domains. In many Ishkashimi homes children learn Dari along with Ishkashimi when they are small. Some learn it from their parents and everyone else learns it in the home community from neighbours and other adults and children. Ishkashimi and Dari are spoken in an almost equal amount in the two primary domains of the home and the community. New wives who marry Ishkashimi-speaking men do not need to learn Ishkashimi as they can use Dari at home and use it with their children. Nevertheless, a new awareness and concern among the Ishkashimi about the vitality of their mother tongue is growing, especially among the educated. They do not want their mother tongue to die and are aware that if they do not speak it and teach it to their children it is more likely to die. Language shift has already started and is very likely to continue if language use is not altered in the near future. The head master in the school in Ishkashim told us that the Ishkashimi-speaking area used to extend for 25 km in the direction of Bahrak. It no longer does. This is another sign that the vitality of the language is declining.

In the Sanglech valley all children in the community learn Sanglechi as their first and only language until they start school. It is the only language used in the domains of the home and community. Dari is hardly spoken in these two primary domains. The Sanglechi only use Dari with outsiders who visit their villages and when they travel outside the Sanglech valley. As soon as someone turns away from a Dari-speaking visitor to greet another Sanglechi speaker, they switch straight back to Sanglechi.

Although Dari is heavily used in a number of domains where it is spoken as formal language (education and religion) or as almost exclusive language (travel and trade, media and administration), Sanglechi's vitality is not threatened. These are all secondary domains. Many people, especially women, hardly have any access to these domains: they travel little and do not have contact with government officials. For them, school, religious preaching and radio are the only forms of contact with Dari. To girls and young women the education domain only applies — however, only a few adult women have had a school education. However, this situation is changing and presently almost all children attend school, at least primary school. All children now acquire Dari to a certain degree. Nevertheless, it is not likely that this will diminish the vitality of Sanglechi as school is the only domain within the community where Dari is spoken on a regular basis. Therefore many do not have practice in Dari in every-day situations. Women especially, but also some men, tend to loose their ability to speak Dari after they have leave school.

In summary, using Landweer's criteria, the vitality of Ishkashimi is declining. The Ishkashimi have easy access to the Dari-speaking town of Ishkashim (factor 1) and Ishkashimi is mixed with Dari in the primary domains of family and community (factor 2). The vitality of the Sanglechi speech variety is very high. Access to the Dari-speaking town of Zebāk is difficult (factor 1) and Sanglechi is the only language spoken in the primary domains of family and community (factor 2).

7.2 Attitudes towards Ishkashimi, Sanglechi and Dari

As the data in the results section indicates, the attitude towards the vernacular in both places is highly positive. Dari is viewed positively as well. The Sanglechi hold Ishkashimi in high regard, but the Ishkashimi look down on the Sanglechi speech variety as a rural language.

7.2.1 Ishkashimi attitudes

The attitude of the Ishkashimi towards Dari is divided. While many think that Dari will inevitably take over from Ishkashimi some resent that their children may in the future, or do already, speak Dari at home. They perceive Dari as a threat to their mother tongue. The desire to learn Dari better is not very high as the Ishkashimi know it well already.

The Ishkashimi distance themselves from the Sanglechi as they perceive their language to be a rural one. Even though the Ishkashimi admit that Sanglechi is related to their language, they consider it to be a separate language.

The Ishkashimi claim to hold their mother tongue in high esteem. Nevertheless half of them do not speak it to their children. The reason for this discrepancy might be that they have only just became aware of the danger of losing their mother tongue. Half of those who speak Ishkashimi with the children and half of those who speak Dari with their children are happy with the fact that the next generation will, or does already speak Dari at home. In line with this only half of the interviewees expect their children and grandchildren to use Ishkashimi at home when they are adults.

7.2.2 Sanglechi attitudes

People in the Sanglech valley have a positive attitude towards Dari. Parents indicated that they would be happy if their children spoke Dari at home. It is important to note that this does not reflect people's disregard for the mother tongue. Parents can only foresee their children speaking Sanglechi in the future. Rather it shows a positive attitude towards Dari and a desire for the children to learn it. However, adults' desire to improve their Dari is not very high because they see their proficiency as adequate for the limited situations in which they need to speak it.

The attitude of the Sanglechi towards Ishkashimi is highly positive. They view it as a good language, and in fact see it as the same language as their own. The most important language is the vernacular. The Sanglechi people possess a strong ethnolinguistic identity due to their geographical seclusion and the limited influence from the outside. The Sanglechi people are united by their common speech variety.

7.3 Bilingualism with Dari and Intelligibility between Ishkashimi and Sanglechi

The Ishkashimi possess a high command of Dari. The Sanglechi's proficiency of Dari is limited to every-day situation. The intelligibility between Ishkashimi and Sanglechi is low.

7.3.1 Between Ishkashimi and Dari

In the Ishkashim area most people are almost fully bilingual, speaking Ishkashimi and Dari. Children are proficient in Dari before they enter school and therefore can follow the lessons given in Dari. Children's proficiency is due to the usage of Dari in the primary domains of family and community. Besides this, many people have extended access to the secondary domains, so all children go to school, including girls. These children can be served well with a literacy program and school education in Dari, as is currently in place. However, some parents are unhappy with this situation because they realized that, with school education being entirely in Dari, the children might forget their mother tongue.

7.3.2 Between Sanglechi and Dari

Most of the Sanglechi do not have the opportunity to learn Dari well. Accessibility is very limited (see 3.6 Infrastructure) due to the remoteness of the Sanglech valley.

Men can handle basic day-to-day situations in Dari. Usually they only need to use Dari in the domains of travel and trade, especially once they have completed their education. For these situations an ILR level of 2 is sufficient (see Appendix D: Proficiency Storying Questionnaire). As men can deal with these basic situations quite well (bargaining at the bazaar, entertaining guests, talking to a doctor etc.) they tend to overestimate their ability to speak Dari. They can cope with every-day requirements in Dari easily, but they are usually not challenged further. If they can function well in all necessary situations, they naturally assume their abilities in Dari are almost as good as their abilities in Sanglechi.

Women's access to Dari is even more limited. For younger women the only domain it is used in education. Most older women have not attended school. A very few have limited access to Dari-speaking visitors. Therefore their proficiency of Dari seldom exceeds a very basic level, as indicated by the Storying Proficiency Questionnaire and confirmed by the observation of the researchers.

Parents claim on an average that their children can speak Dari well when they have completed 4th or 5th grade. However, parents may be overestimating their children's ability as their own Dari is limited. Also, observations by the researchers, when talking informally to teenage school children, did not back up the parents' claims. The young people were often not able to answer basic questions in Dari. This indicates that the Sanglechi people cannot be served adequately with literature in Dari. Kindell states that if a significant segment of speakers within a community has not achieved level 3 proficiency in a language, that language should not be the language of literacy (Kindell 1991). Sanglechi women definitely do not speak Dari at level 3.

7.3.3 Between Ishkashimi and Sanglechi

The Sanglechi do not understand the Ishkashimi speech variety well, and the Ishkashimi understand even less of the Sanglechi variety, if the subjects have not extensively been exposed to the other speech variety. The average score of the RTT for subjects with a low level of previous contact is 44%. The Sanglechi understand Ishkashimi to a slightly higher degree. Their score for a low level of previous contact is on average 54%.

According to Bergman, when intelligibility tests give results of less than about 75%, a language development project is generally considered desirable (Bergman 1990). The result the Sanglechi show concerning the Ishkashimi story could still be considered in the range of what Bergman calls "about 75%". The result of the Ishkashimi concerning the Sanglechi story is clearly under the threshold of 75%. It is therefore unlikely that material developed for one of the two speech varieties will serve the other speech variety equally well.

8. Recommendations

As pointed out in the discussion section (see 7.3 Bilingualism in Dari), Dari literacy programs would not be sufficient for the Sanglechi people, because bilingualism in Dari is very low. The UNESCO study "Promoting Literacy in Multilingual Settings" (Kosonen et al. 2006) describes the advantage students studying in their mother tongue have over students who study in a foreign language. The study states that the second group's learning achievements may not be as good as they could be had their mother tongue been used. Many may have to repeat grades and drop out of school, ultimately failing in their education. The UNESCO study continues:

For children, a solution to this problem is mother tongue-based multilingual education. For adult members of ethnolinguistic minority communities, a solution is mother tongue-based literacy and adult education programmes. [...] In strong multilingual education programmes, the learners' first language is used as the language of instruction as long as possible, at least at the pre-primary and primary levels. The bottom line is that learning is started with and through something that the learners already know, i.e. their first language, and unfamiliar things, such as the second language, are introduced gradually and learned after a solid foundation in the first language has already been accomplished. International research shows that at least some five years of instruction in the first language — but preferably throughout the education system — is required to provide a solid foundation for further studies. A strong foundation in the mother tongue is also needed for second language acquisition and successful transfer of the literacy skills from the first to the second language. (Kosonen et al. 2006)

Taking the UNESCO study into consideration it would be helpful for Sanglechi children to be taught literacy skills and primary school subjects in their mother tongue. In lower grades they would learn Dari as a foreign language and then in higher grades gradually switch to Dari as the language of instruction for other subjects. Likewise adults would benefit from literacy programs in the mother tongue, after that they would be able to acquire Dari literacy more easily.

The situation showed itself to be entirely different for the Ishkashimi people. As their level of bilingualism is high, they do not depend on the development of their vernacular into a written form for school education. However, although they do benefit from the education offered in Dari in the school of Ishkashim, it is very likely that the Ishkashimi would very much appreciate it if a project was undertaken for their speech variety, especially if they received help for the preservation of their language. The Ishkashimi grow more and more aware of the fact that someday they might lose their own language.

We recommend the inception of a project for the Sanglechi speech variety, with a possible contribution to the Ishkashimi speech variety. This is because of the obvious need in the Sanglechi valley and the relative urgency compared to Ishkashim. Even though the prestige of the Ishkashim variety is higher and the attitude the Sanglechi hold towards Ishkashimi is better than vice versa, it is not a viable option to begin with Ishkashimi and extent literature to Sanglechi. The lexical similarity and the results of the RTT testing are too low.

Issues that need to be taken into account planning a project include the following: First, the literacy material and the literature people would probably benefit most from are different for the two speech varieties. The Sanglechi people should be served with literacy primers to help them acquire basic literacy skills, which they could transfer to Dari at a later stage. Then they would benefit from easy reading material, stories, medical and hygiene education booklets. For the Ishkashimi in Afghanistan and in Tajikistan, as many of them are literate in Dari or Tajik already, it would be beneficial to offer post literacy material in Ishkashimi. It is very likely that they would be interested in having their local and inherited stories and poetry in written form. Second, the sound inventories of Ishkashimi and Sanglechi are not identical. Different alphabets might be needed for the two speech varieties with the Sanglechi alphabet containing additional letters.

The Ishkashimi in Tajikistan could profit from an Afghan Ishkashimi component of a Sanglechi language development project as well. It might be possible to extend such a component to them. Müller (Müller et al. 2005) states that Ishkashimi in the villages of Ryn and Sumjin in Tajikistan exhibit signs of high language vitality in spite the low number of speakers (see 2.2 Population). Although this group is bilingual in Tajik and does not depend on the development of their vernacular to benefit from general education. However, the script would have to be adapted to a Cyrillic or Latin alphabet.

In summary, we recommend a language development program for the Sanglechi speech variety, starting out with Sanglechi but with a possible contribution to the Ishkashimi speech variety.

Acknowledgements

Thank you to the following people who helped to gather the linguistic data during a visit to the Ishkashim area and the Sanglech valley: Tamara Soderstrom, Narineh and Daniel Paul. Thank you also to the provincial and district representatives of the Ministry of Education who greatly supported the linguistic assessment.

References

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Author's contact information:
Simone Beck
Simbeck07@aol.com

Appendix A: Word List Results

 

English

Dari

Spoken Dari

Xermani
(Ishk.)

Bāhār Bāzār
(Ishk.)

Zargarān
(Ishk.)

Dashte Rubāt
(Sangl.)

Esketul
(Sangl.)

Fāruq
(Sangl.)

1.

I (1s)

من

ma

As

azɪ

as

a'ze

'azə

a'zə

2.

you (2s)

تو

thu

tʰə

tʰ ə

tʰu

tʰəʊ

tʰʊ

tʰu

3. 

he/ she (3s)

او

ʔu

məx

məx

as

a'ze

'azə

a'zə

4. 

we (1p)

ما

'tʰəməx

tʰə'məx

'tʰəməx

tʰəʊ

tʰʊ

tʰu

5. 

you (2p)

شما

ʃʊ'mɔ

aʊm

'aʊə

'adməs

6. 

they (3p)

آنها

ʔʊ'nɔ

aʊ'ɔndɔ

aʊɔn'dɔ

aʊ'ɔnd

a'dande

aʊ'ande

aʊ'wan

7. 

who

کی

ki

koɪ

kʊɪ

kuɪ

kʰoɪ

koɪ

kʰoɪ'a

8.

what

چی

t͡ʃi

tʃəs

tʃis

tʃi

tse

tsets

tse'tsa

9.

how

چطور

t͡ʃə'th

'tseɾaŋɡ

'tseɾaŋɡ

'tseɾaŋɡ

tsə'na

tsə'naɪ

tsenɔ'dɔ

10. 

where

کجا

kʊ'd͡ʒɔ

'kʰəndʒɔ

'tsəkəndʒɔ

'kəndʒɔ

'kʰʊndʒaɪ

'kʊndʒaɪ

kʰɔme'ʃɔ

11. 

when

چی وقت

t͡ʃi waxt

kʰa'di

kʰa'di

kə'dəm waxt

kʰa'di

kʊ'dam waxt

kat'ʃɔ

12. 

how many

چند

t͡ʃand

tsə'mənd

tsə'mand

tsə'mənd

sʊ'mande

'tsəmand

tsə'mand

13. 

which

کدام

kʊ'dɔm

kʰə'dəm

kʰə'dɔm

kʰə'dəm

kʰʊda'me

'kʊdam

kʰa'dɪ

14. 

if

اگر

̆'ʔaɡa

'aɡa

'aɡa

a'ɡaɾ

aɡaʃʊ'woɪ

'aɡaɾ

a'ɡaɾ

15. 

at

در

da

pʰə

pʰə

pʰə

wɔɾ

wɔɾ

wɔɾ

16. 

with

همرای

ʔam'ɾɔə

'wahɪɡɔl

'waɪɡʊl

'məŋɡɔl

am'ɾaɪ

amɾa'ɡoɾ

kʰa'tʰi

17. 

this (near)

این

ʔi:

Am

am

am

a'me

a'me

a'na

18. 

that (far)

آن

ʔɔ:

a'we

a'de

a'wa

19. 

these (near)

اینها

ʔi'nɔ

a'mɔndɔ

'amɔndɔ

'amɔnd

a'mand

a'mand

a'mɔnd

20. 

those (far)

آنها

ʔɔ'nɔ

aʊ'ɔndɔ

'aʊɔndɔ

aʊwɔn'dɔ

a'wand

ada'hand

aʊ'wɔnd

21. 

here

اینجا

'ʔind͡ʒa

'madakʰ

'madakʰ

'mad̪akʰ

mɔd

mɔd

mɔ'dakʰ

22. 

there

آنجا

'ʔund͡ʒa

'wadakʰ

'wadakʰ

'wad̪akʰ

wɔd

wɔd

məwɔ'dakʰ

23. 

far

دور

duɾ

diː ɾ

diː ɾ

diː ɾ

di'ɾʊɪ

di:ɾ

di:ɾ

24. 

near

نزدیک

nə;z'di:k

qʰa'ɾiː b

qʰa'ɾib

at'mad̪akʰ

qʰa'ɾib

qʰa'ɾib

qʰa'ɾi:b

25. 

right side

راست

ɾɔst

ɾɔst

ɾɔst

ɾɔst

ɾɔstʰ

ɾast

ɾɔst

26. 

left side

چپ

t͡ʃap

tʃapʰ

tʃapʰ

tʃapʰ

tʃapʰ

tʃap

tʃapʰ

27. 

down/below

پایٔن

phɔɪ'in

kʰala'pʰɔ

pʰast

pʰaː st

kʰala'pʰa

kala'pʰaɪ

kʰala'pʰɔ

28. 

up/above

بالا

bɔ'lɔ

vɾɔ'sɔ

'tʰəskʰə

vɾɔ'sɔ

ɾuba'la

vɾas

və'ɾɔs

29. 

come NP

میآیه

'mjɔja

'isu

'isu

'ɪsus

i'sʊɾ

'isu

'isuʂ

 

come P

آمد

ʔɔ'mat

'ɔɣad

'ɔɣad

ɔ'ɣat

ɔ'ɣɔd

ɔ'ɣɔd

'ɔɣɔd

30. 

sit NP

میشند

'mɪʃɪna

'nid̪u

'nid̪us

'nid̪u

ni'duʂ

'nidu

ni'duʃ

 

sit P

نشست

ʃɪʃt

'nəlɔst

'nəlʊstʰ

'nʊlʊst

ne'lɔst

'nəlɔst

nə'lɔst

31.

stand NP

استاد میشود

ʔəs'tɔd
'meʃa

es'tɔd ʃʊ

kʰə'pʰualʊ

kʰə'pʰʊ ɔ'stʰʊkʰ

'tʃʊkia stok

'tʃʊkaloɪ

es'tɔd ʃʊ'wɔ

 

stand P

استاد شد

ʔəs'tɔd
ʃʊt

es'tɔd ʃʊt

kʰə'pʰuwust

kʰə'pʰʊ ʃʊ'dɔkʰ

e'stadɪo ʃɪ'dɔk

es'tad 'ʃʊəvɔt

es'tɔd ʃi:d

32.

lie down NP

دراز میکشد

daɾ'ɔz
'mekhaʃa

da'ɾɔz xaʃʊ

daɾ'ɔz 'xaʃʊ

daɾ'ɔz 'xaʃʊ

'vəʒduɡə 'xaʃtʊ

'vəʒdukʰ xa'ʃoɪ

ɾəʂ'dukʰ xa'ʂɔ

 

lie down P

دراز کشید

daɾ'ɔz
kha'ʃit

da'ɾɔz 'xaʃʊt

daɾ'ɔz 'xaʃəd̪

daɾ'ɔz 'xaʃʊt

'vəʒduɡ xaʃtʰ

'vəʒdukʰ xa'ʃət

ɾəʂ'dukʰ xaʂ'dɔk

33.

give NP

میدهد

'metʰa

'd̪ajʊ

'd̪ajʊ

'dajus

dɪ'jɔx

dɪ'jɔɪ

'dijɔʃ

 

give P

داد

dɔt

d̪ud

d̪ud̪

dud̪

dud

dʊd

dud

34. 

walk NP

قدم میزند

qha'dam
'mezana

qʰa'dam dʊ

qʰa'dam d̪ʊ

qʰa'dam dus

qʰa'dame dox

qa'dam doʃ

qʰa'damə dɔ

 

walk P

قدم زد

qha'dam zat

qʰa'dam d̪ed̪

qʰa'dam d̪ed̪

qʰa'dam d̪ed̪

qʰa'dam deɾ

qa'dam ded

qʰa'dam 'dedɔkʰ

35. 

go NP

میرود

'meɾa

ʃʊ

sʊs

ʃo

ʃʊ'wɔx

ʃʊ'woɪ

ʃwɔ

 

go P

رفت

ɾaft

tʰuɣt

tʰuɣt

toxt

'ʃide

ʃi:d

ʃi:d

36.

run NP

میدود

'medaoa

'ɣəzʊ

'ɣəzʊs

'ɣəsʊ

ɣʊ'zʊx

ɣu'zʊʃ

ɣu'zuʃ

 

run P

دوید

dao'wit

'ɣəzət

'ɣəzəd̪

'ɣəsət

ɣʊ'zeɾ

ɣʊ'zət

ɣu'zəd

37.

fly (bird) NP

میپرد

'mephaɾa

'aɾazʊ

'aɾazʊs

'aɾazʊ

a'ɾezux

aɾa'zoʃ

'aɾazɔʃ

 

fly (bird) P

پرید

pha'ɾit

'aɾat

'aɾad̪

'aɾat

a'ɾatʰ

a'ɾat

'aɾat

38. 

swim (fish) NP

شنا میکند

ʃə'nɔ
'mekhʊna

ʃønɔwa'ɾi kʰə'nʊ

ʃønɔwa'ɾi 'kʰønʊs

ʃø'nɔʊ do

ʃi'naʊ 'xəʃoɪ

ʃi'naʊ dɔɾ

ɔb bɔ'zɪ kʰə'nʊ

 

swim (fish) P

شنا کرد

ʃə'nɔ khat

ʃønɔwa'ɾi kol

ʃønɔwa'ɾi kʰʊl

ʃø'nɔʊ ded̪

ʃi'naʊ 'xaʃotʰ

ʃi'naʊ dɔɪ

ɔb bɔ'zɪ kʰʊt

39.

fall NP

میفتد

'meftha

'wazʊ

'wazʊs

'wazʊ

wa'zox

'wazoʃ

wa'zoʃ

 

fall P

افتاد

ʔaft'ɔt

watʰ

wat̪ʰ

wat

watʰ

wat

watʰ

40.

throw NP

میندازد

'mendɔza

'wed̪ʊ

'wedʊs

'fəɾkʰɪnʊ

fəɾ'kʰind

'fəɾkind

nu'ʂuʂ

 

throw P

انداخت

ʔan'dɔxt

wetʰ

wet̪ʰ

'fəɾkʰɪnt

fəɾ'kʰind

'fəɾkind

nuʂ'tʰukʰ

41. 

flow NP

روان هست

ɾa'wɔn as

ɾa'wɔn wust

ʃʊs

ɾa'wɔnɪ

ʃʊ'wɔx

ɾa'wə noɪ

ʃə'wɔʃ

 

flow P

روان بود

ɾa'wɔn bʊt

ɾa'wɔn vət

ʃʊvi

ɾa'wɔn ʃʊ'dʊkʰ

ɾa'wa vəd

ɾa'wə vət

ʃə'dɔkʰ

42. 

pull NP

کش میکند

kaʃ
'mekhʊna

'xaʃʊ

'xaʃʊs

'xaʃʊ

xa'xox

xa'ʃoɪ

xa'ʃɔʃ

 

pull P

کش کرد

kaʃ khat

xaʃtʰ

'xaʃətʰ

'xaʃət

xa'xel

xa'ʃət

xa'ʃətʰ

43. 

push NP

تله میکند

tə'la
'mekhʊna

tʰe'la kʰol

tʰe'la 'kənʊs

tʰe'la kʰə'nʊ

tʰe'laɪ kʰe'nu

te'leɪ ken

te'laɪ kʰə'nʊ

 

push P

تله کرد

tə'la khat

tʰe'la kʰoltʰ

tʰe'la kʰul

tʰe'la kʰʊl

tʰe'la kʰul

te'leɪ 'kovt

te'laɪ kʰotʰ

44. 

wash NP

میشیود

'meʃoja

'zønajʊ

'zənajʊ

'zənajʊ

ze'ne jox

zen'joɪ

'zenjɔʃ

 

wash P

شست

ʃʊʃt

'zønʊt

'zənut̪ʰ

'zənʊd̪

ze'nʊd

zən'ʊd

'zənuɾ

45. 

split NP

میده میکند

maɪ'da
'mekhʊna

və'lelʊ

və'delʊs

maɪ'da kʰə'nʊ

ɾe'zeɪ kʰe'noɪ

maɪ'da ke'noi

maɪ'daə kʰə'nɔ

 

split P

میده کرد

maɪ'da khat

vɾətʰ

və'ɾət̪ʰ

maɪ'da kʰʊl

ɾe'zeɪ kʰul

maɪ'da kətʰ

maɪ'da kʰutʰ

46. 

tie NP

گره میکونه

'ɾe
mekhʊna

ɡɾe kol

'ɡɾesdʊ

ɡə'ɾe kʰə'nʊ

ɡe'ɾe kʰe'noɪ

ɡə'ɾe kə'noi

ɡə'ɾe kʰə'nɔ

 

tie P

گره کرد

gə'ɾe khat

ɡɾe kʊlt

'ɡɾekʰʊl

ɡə'ɾe kʰʊl

ɡe'ɾe kʰol

ɡə'ɾe kətʰ

ɡə'ɾe kʰutʰ

47. 

hit NP

میزند

'mezana

'dɪjʊ

dʊs

do

dɔx

dɔʂ

ded

 

hit P

زد

zat

d̪ed

ded̪

ded̪

ded

ded

de'də kʰɔ

48. 

cut NP

میبرد

'mebaɾa

sə'kʰəndʊ

sə'kʰəndʊ

ʃə'kʰəndʊ

wʊ'sux

wu'suʂ

'wusuʃ

 

cut P

برد

bɔɾt

sə'kʰəʃt

sə'kʰəʃt

ʃə'kʰəʃtʰ

'wʊde

wʊde

'wuduk

49. 

rub NP

میماله

'memɔla

'məndʊ

'məndʊs

'məndʊ

'mandox

'mandɔʂ

'mandɔʃ

 

rub P

مالید

mɔ'lit

'məndət

'məndəd̪

'məndəd̪

'mandetʰ

'mandət

'mandət

50. 

dig NP

بیل میزند

bel 'mezana

bel djʊ

bel dʊs

bel dʊ

'bele doɪ

'bele doi

'belə dɔ

 

dig P

بیل زد

bel zat

bel d̪ed

bel ded̪

bel ded̪

bel ded

bel ded

bel det

51. 

squeeze NP

پچق میکوند

phə't͡ʃʊq
'mekhʊna

'tɾandʒʊ

paxtʃ kʰə'nʊ

pʰə'tʃʊq kʰə'nʊ

la'ɡaɾe kʰe'noi

pʰə'tʃʊqʰ kʰə'noɪ

la'ɣatʰə kʰə'nɔ

 

squeeze P

پچق کرد

phə't͡ʃʊq
khat

'tɾandʒəd

paxtʃ kʰol

pʰə'tʃʊq kʰol

la'ɡaɾ kʰʊl

pʰə'tʃʊqʰ kʰət

la'ɣatʰ kʰotʰ

52. 

night

شب

ʃaʊ

və'ʒeɾ

ʃaʊ

ʃab

fəɾ'xukʰ

fəɾ'ʃɔk

fəɾ'ʃɔkʰ

53. 

day

روز

ɾo:z

ɾaʃt

ɾoz

ɾaʃtʰ

fəɾmo'i

fəɾmo'i

fəɾmo'i

54. 

morning

صبح

so:b

pʰɪ'ɡa

pʰə'ɡa

pʰə'ɡa

pʰə'ɡaɪ

pə'ɡaɪ

pʰə'ɡɔ

55. 

noon

چاشت

t͡ʃɔʃt

maɪ

maɪ

maɪ'kʰen

tʃaxt

tʃaʂt

tʃɔʃ'tʰi

56. 

evening

شام

ʃɔm

ʃɔm

və'ʒeɾ

və'ʒeɾ

ʂə'mi

ʂam

ʃɔm

57. 

yesterday

دیروز

'diɾoz

pɔ'ɾəzt

pɔ'ɾəzd

pʰə'ɾʊst

paɾ'ozt

pa'ɾost

'paɾoz

58. 

today

امروز

'ʔəmɾoz

neɾ

ne:ɾ

neɾ

neɾ

neɾ

neɾ

59. 

tomorrow

فردا

faɾ'dɔ

saɾ

sa:ɾ

saː ɾ

sa'haɾ

pʰə'ɡa

a'ɭustʰ

60. 

week

هفته

ʔaf'tha

af'ta

af'ta

af'ta

af'ta

af'te

'uftmaɪ

61. 

month

ماه

ma

ma

62. 

year

سال

sɔl

sɔl

sɔl

sɔl

sal

sal

sɔl

63. 

one

یک

jak

wʊkʰ

wɔkʰ

'wɔkʰi

wəkʰ

wəkʰ

wɔkʰ

64. 

two

دو

du

deʊ

dəʊ

dəʊ

dəʊ

dəʊ

dəʊ

65. 

three

سه

se

ɾɔɪ

ɾuɪ

ɾoɪ

ɾoi

'ɾoi

ɾɔɪ

66. 

four

چهار

t͡ʃɔɾ

tsə'fuɾ

sə'fuɾ

tsə'fuɾ

tsfuɾ

tsfuɾ

ts'fu:ɾ

67. 

five

پنج

phand͡ʒ

pʰɔndz

pʰɔnz

pʰunts

pʰɔnts

pʰɔnts

pʰɔnts

68. 

six

شش

ʃaʃ

xɔl

xɔl

xo:l

xwaɭ

xwaɭ

xwɔɭ

69. 

seven

هفت

ʔaft

uft

oft

uftʰ

uft

uft

uft

70. 

eight

هشت

ʔaʃt

ɔtʰ

ɔt̪ʰ

otʰ

ɔtʰ

ɔtʰ

ɔtʰ

71. 

nine

نو

no

no

nəʊ

naʊ

naʊ

nəʊ

72. 

ten

ده

da

da

da

da

dɔs

dos

dɔs

73. 

eleven

یازده

jɔz'da

jɔz'da

jɔz'da

jɔz'da

kʊ'dɔs

kʊ'dɔz

kʰə'dɔs

74. 

twelve

دوازده

dwɔz'da

dʊɔz'da

dʊɔz'da

dwɔz'da

di'dʊs

'didʊz

di'dus

75. 

twenty

بیست

bɪst

bɪst

bɪst

bɪst

wɪʃt

wɪʃt

wiʃt

76. 

hundred

صد

sad

sad

sad

sad

sad

sad

sad

77. 

all

تمام

tham'ɔm

tʃəkʰ

tʃəkʰ

tʰə'mɔm

kʊl'tʃid

kul'taɡ

'kʰʊlaɡi

78. 

many

زیاد

zjɔd

lɪpʰ

lɪpʰ

faɪ

faɪ'ʃid

zja'dan

fai

79. 

few

کمی

'khame

tʃɔv

tʃov

tʃɔv

tʃo'wakʰ

tʃo'wak

tʃɔf

80. 

big

کلان

kha'lɔn

kʰa'tʰa

kʰa'tʰa

ka'tʰa

ɣəxd

ʂəʂt

ʐəʂt

81. 

small

خورد

xʊɾd

xul

tʃətʰ

kətʰ

'ptsikʰikʰ

ptsɪ'kik

ptsə'kʰikʰ

82. 

long

دراز

da'ɾɔz

də'ɾɔz

'vəʒdʊkʰ

'vəʒdʊkʰ

vəɡ'dʊɡ

'vəʐdʊk

wəʐ'dukʰ

83. 

short

کوتاه

kho'tɔ

kʰə'tʰa

kʰətʰ

kətʰ

kʰuɾtʰ

kʰo'tʰaɪ

kʰətʰ

84. 

wide

فراخ

fa'ɾɔx

kʰa'tʰa

kʰa'tʰa

kʰa'tʰa

wa'se

wa'se

ʐəʂt

85. 

narrow

تنگ

th

taŋɡ

tʃətʰ

tʃətʰ

tʰaŋɡ

tʰaŋ'ɡoɪ

ptsə'kʰikʰ

86. 

thick

دبل

da'bal

'vəʒdʊkʰ

'vəzʊkʰ

'vəsʊkʰ

ve'sɔkʰ

və'sɔkʰ

wə'zokʰ

87. 

thin

نازک

nɔ'zʊk

tʰə'nəkʰ

tʰə'nəkʰ

tʰə'nəkʰ

ba'ɾikʰ

nazu'koɪ

bɔ'ɾikʰ

88. 

sun

آفتاب

ʔaf'th

'ɾemus

'ɾemʊs

'ɾemʊs

ɔɾ'mɔzd

ɔɾ'mɔst

ɔɾ'mɔzd

89. 

moon

مهتاب

mɔ'th

'lemʊkʰ

ma'tɔb

'lemʊkʰ

wəl'meɡ

wʊl'mikʰ

wəl'mikʰ

90. 

star

ستاره

sethɔ'ɾa

setɔ'ɾa

stɔ'ɾa

stɔ'ɾa

ustʊ'ɾʊk

u'stʊɾʊk

əstʰu'ɾukʰ

91. 

water

آب

ʔaʊ

veɡ

veɡ

veɡ

veɡ

veɡ

veɡ

92. 

rain

باران

bɔ'ɾɔn

bɔ'ɾeʃ

bɔ'ɾeʃ

bɔ'ɾɔn

na'vokʰ

al'mos

na'vɔʃ

93. 

lightning

الماسک

ʔalmɔ'sak

ɔtə'ʃakʰ

ɔtə'ʃəkʰ

ɾəʃ'nɪsdʊ

ɔtə'ʃakʰ

ɔtə'ʃak

ɔtaʃʊkʰ'dɔɾ

94. 

rainbow

رنگین کمان

ɾaŋ'ɡɪn
kha'mɔn

kʰa'mɔn ɾø'stam

kʰam'ɔn ɾə'stam

kʰam'ɔne ɾes'tam

ka'mane ɾe'stam

ka'mɔne ɾʊ'stam

kʰa'mɔne ɾɔ'stam

95. 

mud

گل

ɡel

lɔɪ

lɔɪ

loɪ

tʃal

ɡəl

tʃal

96. 

stone

سنگ

saŋɡ

sɔŋɡ

sɔŋɡ

sʊŋɡ

sɔŋɡ

sʊŋɡ

soŋɡ

97. 

sand

ریگ

ɾeɡ

ɾeɡ

ɾeɡ

ɾeɡ

ɾeɡ

ɾeɡ

ɾeɡ

98. 

earth

زمین

za'min

zə'mɪn

zə'min

za'mɪn

za'min

zə'min

za'min

99. 

cloud

ابر

ʔabɾ

abɾ

abɾ

abɾ

mɔɪ

mɔɪ

mɔɪ

100. 

smoke

دود

dud

diː

did̪

di:d̪

di:d

did

di:d

101. 

fire

آتش

ʔɔ'th

ɾəʃ'ni

ɾəʃ'ni

ɾaʃ'ni

'xenai

ʂəna'i

ʃənɔ'i

102. 

ash

خاکستر

xɔkhəs'taɾ

usɾ

wusəɾ

wʊsɾ

xakʰe'staɾ

xɔkʰe'staɾ

xɔkʰe'staɾ

103. 

mountain

کوه

kho

ɔ'lax

ɔ'lax

ɔ'lax

kʰʊ

koɪ

kʰo

104. 

sky

آسمان

ʔɔs'mɔn

ɔs'mɔn

ɔs'mɔn

ɔs'mɔn

as'man

as'man

ɔs'mɔn

105. 

fog

غبار

ɣa'bɔɾ

ɣʊ'bɔɾ

ɣa'bɔɾ

ɣa'bɔɾ

me'ɣa

moɪ

ɣa'bɔɾ

106. 

wind

شمال

ʃa'mɔl

ʃa'mɔl

ʃa'mɔl

bɔd

ʃa'mal

ʃa'mal

ʃa'mɔl

107. 

sea

بحر

bahɾ

baː ɾ

ba'haɾ

'veɡe lipʰ

bahɾ

aʊs

aʊs

108. 

lake

چهیل

t͡ʃa'hil

tʃa'hil

tʃa'hil

'veɡe fɾendʊ'kʰi

tʃaɾ

vezja'doɪ

aʊs

109. 

river

دریا

daɾ'jɔ

daɾ'jɔ

xa'ɾav

daɾ'jɔ

daɾ'jaɪ

daɾ'ja

daɾ'jɔ

110. 

salt

نمک

na'mak

na'makʰ

na'makʰ

na'makʰ

ne'mekʰ

nə'mekt

na'mektʰ

111.

ice

یخ

jax

jax

jax

jax

jex

jex

jix

112.

snow

برف

baɾf

waɾf

waɾf

waɾf

waɾf

waɾf

baɾf

113. 

dust

خاک

xɔk

ʃətʰ

ʃətʰ

ʃi:t

ʃətʰ

ʃətʰ

ʃətʰ

114. 

tree

درخت

da'ɾaxt

də'ɾaxt

dɾaxt

da'ɾaxt

də'ɾaxt

də'ɾaxt

də'ɾaxt

115. 

seed

تخم

'thʊxʊm

tʰeɣm

tʰeɣm

tʰeɣm

tʰeɣm

teɣm

tʰeɣm

116. 

leaf

برگ

baɾɡ

baɾɡ

baɾɡ

baɾɡ

baɾɡ

baɾɡ

baɾɡ

117. 

root

ریشه

ɾi'ʃa

ɾəʃ'ta

ɾə'ʃtʰa

ɾi'ʃa

ɾe'xaɪ

ɾɪ'ʃe

ɾi'ʃa

118. 

bark

پوست درخت

'phoste
da'ɾaxt

də'ɾaxt kʰɾost

kʰɾʊst

da'ɾaxt kʰɾʊst

pə'stakʰ

kɾʊst

kʰɾɔstʰ

119. 

thorn

خار

xɔɾ

'kʰɔndɔkʰ

'kʰɔndɔkʰ

'kʰʊndʊkʰ

kʰan'dakʰ

kʰan'dakʰ

kʰan'dɔkʰ

120. 

fruit

میوه

me'wa

me'wa

me'wa

me'wa

me'wa

me'wa

me'wa

121. 

flower

گل

ɡʊl

ɡʊl

ɡʊl

ɡʊl

ɡel

ɡʊl

ɡəl

122. 

grass

سبزه

sab'za

sab'za

sab'za

sab'za

sav'zaɪ

sav'ze

sav'za

123.

wheat

گندم

ɡan'dʊm

'ɣɔndʊm

'ɣɔndʊm

'ɣɔndʊm

ɣɔn'dʊm

ɣɔn'dum

ɣɔn'dəm

124. 

barley

جو

d͡ʒa͡o

'wɔɾvəz

'wɔɾvəs

'wʊɾvəs

wəɾ'ves

'wəɾvez

vəɾ'vəz

125. 

rice

برنج

bə'ɾend͡ʒ

'dənɪkʰ

'd̪ɪnɪkʰ

'd̪ənɪkʰ

be'ɾendʒ

bə'ɾindʒ

bə'ɾɪndʒ

126. 

potato

کچالو

khat͡ʃɔ'lu

'ɔlʊ

kʰatʃɔ'lʊ

kʰatʃɔ'lʊ

kʰatʃɔ'lʊ

ɔ'lʊɪ

kʰatʃɔ'lʊ

127. 

chilli

مرچ

mʊɾt͡ʃ

mʊɾtʃ

məɾtʃ

məɾtʃ

məɾtʃ

məɾtʃ

mʊɾtʃ

128. 

garlic

سیر

siɾ

siɾ

siɾ

siɾ

siɾ

siɾ

siɾ

129. 

onion

پیاز

phjɔz

pʰjɔs

pʰjɔs

pʰjɔs

pʰjɔs

pʰjas

pʰjɔz

130. 

fish

ماهی

mɔ'i

mɔ'i

mɔ'i

mɔ'i

mɔ'i

mɔ'i

mɔ'i

131.

bird

پرنده

phaɾən'da

pʰaɾen'da

pʰaɾen'da

pʰaɾen'da

pʰaɾen'da

kʰɔɾ'jɔs

pʰaɾen'da

132.

dog

سگ

saɡ

kʰətʰ

kʰət̪ʰ

kʰət

kʰəd

kʰətʰ

kət

133. 

snake

مار

mɔɾ

wɔxs

mɔɾ

wɔx

wɔxs

wɔxs

woxs

134. 

worm

کرم

kheɾm

pʰə'tʃʊkʰ

pʰə'tʃukʰ

pʰə'tʃʊkʰ

pʰə'tʃʊkʰ

pʰə'tʃʊkʰ

pʰət'ʃukʰ

135. 

goat

بز

bʊz

vəz

vəz

vəz

vəz

vəs

vəz

136. 

mosquito

پشه

pha'ʃa

pʰa'ʃa

pʰa'ʃa

pʰa'ʃa

pʰa'ʂaɪ

pʰa'ʃa

pʰa'ʃa

137. 

chicken

مرغ

mʊɾɣ

'kʰəɾtʃɪn

'kʰəɾtʃɪn

'kʰəɾtʃin

kʊɾ'tʃun

kʰəɾ'tʃʊn

kʰəɾtʃun

138. 

spider

عنکبوت

ʔaŋkha'bʊt

ɡelam
bɔ'fəkʰ

tʰɔɾtʰə'nəkʰ

tʰoɾtʰa'nəkʰ

ɡelim
bo'fəkʰ

ɡəlim
bɔ'fəkʰ

tʰɔɾtʰa'nakʰ

139. 

cow

گاو

ɡao

ɣu:

ɣo:

ɣu

tʃaɾ'waɪ

tʃaɾ'wa

tʃaɾwa

140. 

buffalo

گاو میش

ɡao meʃ

ɡao meʃ

ɡao meʃ

ɡəo meʃ

ɡaʊ meʂ

ɡaʊ meʃ

ɡao meʃ

141. 

ant

مورچه

muɾ't͡ʃa

muɾ'tʃʊkʰ

mʊɾ'tʃəkʰ

mʊɾ'tʃa

maɾ'tsikʰ

məɾ'tʃəkʰ

muɾ'tʃa

142. 

woman

زن

zan

ʒɔndʒ

wə'ʒɪn
dʒɔkʰ

'wʊʒen
dʒɔkʰ

dʒandʒ

wə'zɪn
dʒakʰ

dʒɔndʒ

143. 

man

مرد

maɾd

'mɔlɔkʰ

'mʊlʊkʰ

'mɔlɔkʰ

ma'lɔkʰ

'maɭɔkʰ

mɔɭ

144. 

person

نفر

na'faɾ

na'faɾ

na'faɾ

na'faɾ

a'dam

na'faɾ

ɔ'dam

145. 

child/youth

طفل

thəfl

tʃətʰ

tʃətʰ

tʃətʰ

ɾezi'akʰ

ɾes'jak

ɾezjɔk

146. 

boy

بچه

ba't͡ʃa

zɔ'man

zɔ'man

zɔ'man

'zəmanʊkʰ

zəma'nɔkʰ

səmanɔkʰ

147. 

girl

دختر

dʊx'th

ʃtɔkʰ

ʃtɔkʰ

ʃtɔkʰ

əʂ'tsakʰ

'əʂtsakʰ

uʃtsɔkʰ

148. 

body

بدن

ba'dan

ba'dan

tʰan

ba'dan

dʒan

dʒɔn

dʒɔn

149. 

skin

پوست

phost

kʰɾɔst

kʰɾʊst

kʰɾʊst

kʰə'ɾɔst

kɾəst

kʰə'ɾɔst

150. 

flesh/meat

گوشت

ɡoʃt

pʰətf

pʰətf

pʰʊtf

pʰədf

pʰədf

pʰəɾf

151. 

blood

خون

xun

wɪn

wɪn

wɪn

win

win

wen

152. 

bone

استخوان

ʔʊsthʊ'xɔn

'ustʰʊkʰ

'wastʊkʰ

'wasdʊkʰ

ɔs'tʰʊkʰ

ʊs'tʊkʰ

ɔstʰɔkʰ

153. 

grease/fat

دنبه

dʊn'ba

dum'ba

dʊm'ba

dʊm'ba

dʊm'ba

dʊm'ba

dun'ba

154. 

oil

روغن

ɾo'ɣan

ɾeɣn

ɾeɣn

ɾeɣn

ɣeɣn

reɣn

ɾeɣu

155. 

egg

تخم

'thʊxʊm

'ɔkʰikʰ

'ɔkʰɪkʰ

'ɔkʰɪkʰ

'akʰikʰ

'akʰikʰ

'ɔkʰikʰ

156. 

horn

شاخ

ʃɔx

ʃɔx

ʃɔx

ʃɔx

ʂaʊ

ʂax

ʃɔx

157. 

tail

دومب

dʊm

dʊm

dʊm

dʊmb

dəm

dəmb

dəm

158. 

feather

پر

ph

pʰaɾ

pʰaɾ

pʰaɾ

pʰaɾ

pʰaɾ

pʰaɾ

159. 

hair (on head)

مو

muɪ

'sʊɣɔnt

'səɣʊnt

'səɣənd

ɣe'nɔkʰ

'ɣenɔkʰ

ɣenɔkʰ

160. 

head

سر

saɾ

sʊɾ

sʊɾ

suɾ

kʰaɪ'la

sɔɾ

sɔɾ

161. 

face

روی

ɾuɪ

pʰə'ʃəɾ

pʰʃəɾ

pʃəɾ

pʰə'ʃuɾ

pʰə'ʃuɾ

pʃuɾ

162. 

ear

گوش

ɡoʃ

ɣɔl

ɣɔl

ɣol

ɣɔl

ɣuɾ

ɡuɭ

163. 

eye

چشم

t͡ʃəʃm

tsɔm

tsɔm

tsɔm

tsam

tsa:m

tsɔm

164. 

nose

بینی

bi'ni

nɪts

nɪts

nits

fsəkʰ

fə'sək

fəsəkʰ

165. 

mouth

دهن

də'han

fəts

fəts

fəts

fɔts

fʊts

fɔts

166. 

tooth

دندان

dan'dɔn

dɔnd

dɔnd

dʊnd

dand

dand

dɔnd

167. 

tongue

زبان

zʊ'bɔn

'zʊvʊk

'zəvʊkʰ

'zəvʊkʰ

zə'vukʰ

'zʊvukʰ

zə'vukʰ

168. 

foot

پای

phɔ

pʰu

pʰo

pʰʊ

ɾɪŋɡ

pʰud

putʰ

169. 

knee

زانو

zɔ'nʊ

zɔ'nʊ

zəŋɡ

zəŋkʰ

zuŋɡ

zuŋɡ

zuŋɡ

170. 

hand

دست

dest

dʊst

dost

dost

dostʰ

dɔst

dɔst

171. 

palm

کف دست

'khafe dest

kʰaf dʊst

kʰaf

dost kʰaf

'kafe destʰ

'kafe dɔst

'kʰafe dest

172. 

finger

انگشت

ʔaŋ'ɡʊʃt

kʰəlkʰ

'iŋɡitʰ

'iŋɡɪtʰ

iŋ'ɡɪtʰ

ɪŋ'ɡɪtʊkʰ

iŋ'ɡitʰ

173. 

fingernail

ناخن

na'xun

nəɾ'xɔkʰ

'nəɾxɔkʰ

'nəlxukʰ

naɾ'xukʰ

naɾ'xukʰ

naɾxɔkʰ

174. 

belly

شکم

ʃə'kham

deɾ

d̪eɾ

deɾ

deɾ

deɾ

deɾ

175. 

neck

گردن

ɡaɾ'dan

ɡaɾ'dan

ɡaɾ'dan

ɡaɾ'dan

ɾɔ'ɾɔɡ

'ɾʊɾʊɡ

ɾə'ɾuɡ

176. 

heart

قلب

qhalb

'avzʊkʰ

'avzɔkʰ

'avzʊkʰ

ɔf'zuɪ

'ɔfzu

ɔv'zu

177. 

liver

جگر

d͡ʒəɡaɾ

dʒɪ'ɡaɾ

dʒɪ'ɡaɾ

dʒɪ'ɡaɾ

dʒɪ'ɡaɾ

dʒɪɡaɾ

dʒɪ'ɡaɾ

178. 

back

پوشت

phʊʃt

'kʰamɔkʰ

'kʰamɔkʰ

'kʰamɔkʰ

kʰa'makʰ

kʰa'makʰ

kʰa'mɔkʰ

179. 

leg

لینگ

leŋ

leŋɡ

pʰo

pʰu

ɾeŋɡ

ɾiŋɡ

leŋɡ

180. 

arm

دست

dest

dʊst

dost

dost

dostʰ

dost

dɔst

181. 

elbow

آرنج

ʔɔ'ɾɪnd͡ʒ

ɔ'ɾɪndʒ

ɔ'ɾɪndʒ

ɔ'ɾɪndʒ

vu'zukʰ

bɔ'zu

bɔ'zʊ

182. 

wing

بال

bɔl

bal

bɔl

bɔl

bal

bal

bɔl

183. 

fur

پوست

phost

kʰɾɔst

kʰɾʊst

kʰə'ɾʊst

kʰə'ɾɔst

kɾɔst

kʰə'ɾɔst

184. 

lip

لب

lab

lab

lav

lav

lav

lav

lav

185. 

navel

ناف

nɔf

nɔf

nɔf

nɔf

naf

naf

nɔf

186. 

guts

روده

ɾo'da

ɾe'tʃəkʰ

ɾo'da

ɾo'da

ɡaŋ'ɡəɡ

ɾo'da

ɾo'da

187. 

saliva

لعاب

la'ɔb

'fətsveɡ

'fətsveɡ

'fətsveɡ

aveda'han

'veɡpʰəvɔ

la'ɔb

188. 

milk

شیر

ʃiɾ

xʊm

xəm

xəm

xɔm

xəm

xəm

189. 

thirsty

تشنه

thʊ'ʃna

tʰʊʃ'na

tʰʊʃ'na

tʊʃ'na

tʰʊʂ'naɪ

tʰʊʃna'mɔ

tʰuʃna'mɔ

190. 

hungry

گشنه

ɡʊ'ʃna

'ʒɔndɔk

'ʒɔndɔkʰ

'ʒɔndʊkʰ

ɣɔn'dɔkʰ

ɣun'dukʰ

ɣɔn'dɔkʰ

191. 

drink NP

میخورد

'mexoɾa

'pʰəvʊ

'pʰəvʊ

'pʰəvʊ

pʰə'voɪ

pə'vən

pʰə'vɔ

 

drink P

خورد

xʊɾt

pʰəvtʰ

pʰəvtʰ

pʰəvd̪

pʰəvd

pəvt

pʰəvt

192. 

eat NP

میخورد

'mexoɾa

'xaɾʊ

'xaɾʊ

'xaɾʊ

xɔ'ɾɔɪ

xɔ'ɾan

xesta'xɔɭ

 

eat P

خورد

'xʊɾt

xɔl

xɔl

xʊl

xɔl

xɔɾ

xesta'xɔɭ

193. 

bite NP

چک میزنه

t͡ʃak
'mezana

dan'dɔn dʊ

'dɔndəs dʊ

qʰab dʊ

dan dɔɪ

dan'dɔɪ

tʃakʰə dɔ

 

bite P

چک زد

t͡ʃak zat

dan'dɔn ded̪

dɔn ded̪

qʰab ded̪

dan də'hed

doɪ

tʃakʰ ded

194. 

see NP

میبند

'mɪbɪna

'wenʊ

'wɪnʊ

'wɪnʊ

kʰa'soɪ

'wənʊ

'wɪnɔʃ

 

see P

دید

dɪt

wɪnd̪

wɪnd̪

wɪnd̪

wɪntʰ

wɪnt

wɪntʰ

195. 

hear NP

میشنود

'meʃnaʊa

'apəxʃʊ

'apəxʃʊ

'apəxʃʊs

'apʰaxʂoʂ

apʰəxʂoʂ

'apəxʃɔʃ

 

hear P

شنید

ʃʊ'nɪt

'apəxt

'apəxt

'apəxt

a'pʰaxtʰ

a'pʰəxt

'apext

196. 

know NP

میفحمد

'mefɔma

pʰə'zɪnʊ

pʰə'zɪnʊ

pʰə'sɪnʊs

pə'zɪ nʊɪ

pʰə'sɪnuʂ

pʰə'zinuʃ

 

know P

فحمید

fɔm'ɪt

pʰə'zɪnd̪

pʰə'zɪnt

'pʰəsɪnd

pə'zɪntʰ

pʰə'sɪnt

pʰəzintʰ

197. 

sleep NP

خواب میکوند

xao
'mekhʊna

'mɪsʊ

'mɪsʊ

mɪsʊs

mɪ'suɪ

mɪ'suʂ

'mindukʰ

 

sleep P

خواب کرد

xao khat

mɪnd̪

mɪnd̪

mɪnd

mɪntʰ

mɪnd

mintʰ

198. 

die NP

میمُُرد

'memʊɾa

'mərʊ

'məɾʊs

'məɾʊ

mə'lɔ kʰoɪ

məɭaʊ'kʰoɪ

mə'ɾɔʂ

 

die P

مُُرد

mʊɾt

məl

məl

məl

'məlʊ vəd

mʊɭ

məɭ

199. 

think NP

فکر میکند

'fekhəɾ
'mekhʊna

fekɾ kʰə'nʊ

'fɪkɾəs kʰə'nʊ

'fəkɾəs kʰə'nʊ

ande'ʂeɪ kʰə'noɪ

'ɾʊlə de'ɽʊɪ

'ʈʂuɾtʰə dɔ

 

think P

فکر کرد

'fekhəɾ
khat

fekɾ kʰɔl

fɪkɾ kʰɔl

fəkɾ kʰol

ande'ʂeɪ kʰʊl

'ɾʊl deɽd

fekɾ kʰə'nɔ

200. 

smell NP

بوی میکند

buɪ
'mekhʊna

bʊɪ kʰə'nʊ

'bʊɪəs kʰə'nʊ

bʊɪs kʰə'nʊ

boɪ 'xaʂoɪ

bʊɪ kʰə'noɪ

'buɪə dɔ

 

smell P

بوی کرد

buɪ khat

bʊɪ kʰɔl

bʊɪ kʰɔl

bʊɪ kʰol

boɪ 'xaʂelt

bʊɪ kʰətʰ

buɪ kʰʊtʰ

201. 

vomit NP

استفراغ میکند

ʔesthə'frɔq'mekhʊna

bəl ɡə'nʊ

bəl 'ɡɔnʊs

bəl ɡə'nʊs

'bɔqə doɪ

'bɔqʰə doɪ

estʰe'fɾɔq kʰə'nɔʃ

 

vomit P

استفراغ کرد

ʔesthə'frɔqkhat

bəl ɡɔnd̪

bəl ɡɔnd

bəl ɡənd̪

bɔɣ de'hed

bɔqʰ ded

estʰe'fɾɔq kʰʊt

202. 

fear NP

میترسد

'metaɾsa

tɾɔs kʰə'nʊ

tɾɔs kʰə'nʊ

'tɾɔsəs kʰə'nʊ

tʰa'ɾas kʰe'nu

tɾa soʂ

'tʰɾɔsɔʃ

 

fear P

ترسید

taɾ'sɪt

tɾɔs kʰɔl

tɾɔs kʰɔl

tɾɔs kʰol

tʰa'ɾas kʰʊl

tɾa skat

tʰɾɔs kʰutʰ

203. 

live/be alive NP

زنده هست

zən'da s

zen'da və'dɔkʰ

zen'dai

zen'daɪ

'zende oɪ

'zendɪ oɪ

zen'diɔ

 

live/be alive P

زنده بود

zən'da bʊt

zen'da vəd̪

zen'da vəd̪

zen'da və'dʊkʰ

'zenda vəd

zen'da 'vədə

zen'da vətʰ

204. 

say/speak NP

گپ میزند

ɡap
̆mezana

ɡapʰ dʊ

'ɡapʰəs do

'ɡapəs dʊ

'ɡapʰe doɪ

'ɡapʰe dɔɪ

'ɡapʰe dɔ

 

say/speak P

گپ زد

ɡap zat

ɡapʰ ded̪

ɡap ded̪

ɡap ded̪

ɡapʰ de'hed

ɡapʰ did

ɡapʰ ded

205. 

sing NP

بیت میخواند

baɪt
'mexɔna

baɪt 'bəlavʊ

'baɪdəs 'belavʊ

baɪt 'ɣaʒʊ

'baɪte ɣe'ʒoɪ

'baɪte ɣe'ʒoɪ

baɪtʰ 'ɣeʒɔʃ

 

sing P

بیت خواند

baɪt xɔnt

baɪt 'bəlavd̪

baɪd 'bəlavd

baɪt ɣaʒd

baɪt 'ɣeʒel

baɪt 'ɣeʒət

baɪtʰ 'ɣeʒɔtʰ

206. 

suck NP

میچوشد

'met͡ʃoʃa

'avdajʊ

'avdajʊs

'avdajʊ

ma'tʃoʃ

'maʈʂɔʂ

ma'tʃɔʃ

 

suck P

چوشید

t͡ʃo'ʃɪt

'avdud̪

'avdʊd̪

'avdʊd̪

ma'tʃel

'maʈʂit

ma'tʃətʰ

207. 

blow
(w. mouth) NP

پف میکند

phʊf
'mekhʊna

pʰʊf kʰə'nʊ

'pʰʊfəs kʰə'nʊ

'pʰʊfəs kʰə'nʊ

pʰə'fəkʰ kʰe'noɪ

pʰʊ'fʊkʰ kʰə'noɪ

pʰəf kʰə'nʊ

 

blow
(w. mouth) P

پف کرد

phʊf khat

pʰʊf kʰɔl

pʰʊf kʰɔl

pʰʊf kʰol

pʰəf kʰʊl

pʰʊf kʰən

pʰəf kʰʊtʰ

208. 

red

سرخ

sʊɾx

səɾx

səɾx

səɾx

səɾx

səɾx

səɾx

209. 

green

سبز

sabz

sabs

sabs

sabs

savz

sabs

sabz

210.

yellow

زرد

zard

zaɾd

zəɾd

zaɾd

zaɭ

zaɭ

sɔɭ

211. 

white

سفید

sa'fed

sa'fed

sa'fed

sa'fed

ə'spʰel

əs'pel

sped

212. 

black

سیاه

sjɔ

ʃu

ʃʊ

ʃu:

ʂuɪ

ʂuɪ

ʂu

213. 

hot/warm

گرم

ɡaɾm

ɡaɾm

ɡaɾm

ɡaɾm

ɣɔɣm

ɣɔɣm

ɣɔɣm

214. 

cold

سرد

saɾd

xə'nʊkʰ

xə'nəkʰ

saɾd

ɣə'nʊkʰ

xə'nək

xə'nəkʰ

215. 

full

پر

phʊr

lɪpʰ

lɪpʰ

lipʰ

vən

vən

vənd

216. 

new

نو

nao

'nawɔkʰ

'nawɔkʰ

'nawɔkʰ

nə'vɔkʰ

nəʊ'vɔk

nə'wɔkʰ

217. 

old

کهنه

kho'na

kʰo'na

kʰo'na

kʰo'na

kʰo'naɪ

kʰo'naɪ

kʰɔ'na

218. 

round

گرد

ɡerd

ɣənd

ɡəɾd

ɡəɾd

ɡəɾ'dun

ɡəɾt

ɡəɾd

219. 

dry

خشک

xʊʃk

qʰɔqʰ

qʰɔqʰ

qʰɔqʰ

qʰa:qʰ

qʰa:qʰ

qʰɔqʰ

220. 

wet

تر

th

'ʃəlɔqʰ

'ʃəlɔqʰ

'ʃʊlʊpʰ

ʂʊ'lʊkʰ

ʂə'lɔkʰ

ʃə'lɔqʰ

221. 

dark

تاریک

thɔ'ɾik

tʰɔ'ɾɪkʰ

tʰɔ'ɾɪkʰ

tʰɔ'ɾɪkʰ

tʰuɾ'kʰi

tʰuɾ'kʰɪ

tʰuɾ'kʰɪ

222. 

heavy

سنگین

saŋ'ɡin

was'min

was'mɪn

saŋ'ɡɪn

vaz'min

waz'min

ʃɔx

223. 

light

سبک

sʊ'bʊk

sa'bʊkʰ

sa'bəkʰ

sa'bʊkʰ

sa'bʊkʰ

sa'wʊk

sə'bʊkʰ

224. 

dull

خسته کن

xastha'khʊn

xəsta'kʰʊn

dʒeɡaɾ'xun

xa'fa

xastʰa'kʰʊl

xa'fe

xas'ta ʃə'dɔkʰ

225. 

sharp

تیز

thez

tʰes

tʰes

tʰes

tʰez

tʰes

tʰez

226. 

good

خوب

xʊb

fɾi

fɾɪ

fɾi

xɔb

xʊp

xʊb

227. 

bad

بد

bad

ʃakʰ

ʃakʰ

ʃakʰ

ɡan'da

ɡan'da

bad

228. 

dirty

چتل

t͡ʃathal

ɣaʒd

ɣaʒd

ɣaʒd

ɡan'da

tʃa'tʰal

tʃa'tʰal

229. 

rotten

خراب

xa'ɾɔb

ɔ'lakʰ

ɔ'lakʰ

ʃakʰ

xa'ɾab

xa'ɾɔb

xa'ɾɔb

230. 

smooth

لشم

laʃm

ləʃm

laʃm

laʃm

leʃm

liʃm

lɪʃ'mʊ

231. 

straight

راست

ɾɔst

ɾɔst

ɾɔst

fɾi

ɾɔskʰ

ɾɔstʰ

ɾɔst

232. 

correct

درست

dʊ'ɾʊst

də'ɾʊst

də'ɾʊst

fɾi

da'ɾʊst

sa'iː

də'ɾʊst

233. 

ripe

پخته

phʊx'ta

pʰəxt

pʰəxtʰɔ'kʰɪ

pʰʊx'tʊkʰ

pʰəxaʊ'kʰoɪ

pʰəxɔ'ɡɪ

pə'xɔ kʰɔ

234. 

broken

شکسته

ʃəkhəs'ta

və'ɾətʰ

vəɾtʰɔ'kʰɪ

vəɾ'tʰʊkʰ

vəɾtʰɔ'kʰoɪ

vəɾtɔ'kʰoɪ

vəɾə'tʰɔ kʰɔ

235.

whole

کل

khʊl

dʒəɡ

'nawɔkʰ

fɾi

vəɾ'tʰakʰ

kʰotɔ'kʰoɪ

kʰəl

236. 

same

مثل

'məsle

va'inɡənɪɡ

ɡɪ'nɪ

'imɡəni

pʰə'wəkʰ

mesl

'mesle

237. 

different

فرق

faɾq

faɾqʰ

faɾq

'imɡənikʰ nəst

de'ɡaɾ

faɾqʰ

faɾqʰ

238. 

mother

مادر

mɔ'daɾ

nɔn

nɔn

nɔn

nan

nan

nɔn

239. 

father

پدر

pha'daɾ

tʰɔ

tʰɔ

tʰɔ

tʰatʰ

tʰatʰ

tʰɔtʰ

240. 

husband

شوهر

ʃa'waɾ

mɔl

mɔl

mɔl

maɭ

maɭ

mɔɭ

241. 

wife

زن

zan

kʰʊtʃ

kʰʊtʃ

kʰʊtʃ

kotʃ

kɔtʃ

kʰutʃ

242. 

child

طفل

thəfl

tʃətʰ

zɔd'bud

tʰɪfl

ɾes'jakʰ

ɾesɪ'jakʰ

ɾesɪjɔkʰ

243. 

son

بچه

ba't͡ʃa

zɔ'man

zɔ'man

zɔ'man

zema'nɔkʰ

zəma'nɔkʰ

zɔd

244. 

daughter

دختر

dʊx'th

'wʊdɔxt

ʃtɔkʰ

ʃtɔkʰ

ux'tsakʰ

ɔʃ'tsakʰ

wə'dəɣ

245. 

older brother

برادر کلان

bjɔ'daɾe
kha'lɔn

vɾʊɪ kʰa'tʰa

'vɾue kʰa'tʰa

vɾuɪ kʰa'tʰa

ɡəx və'ɾutʰ

ɾəʂt və'ɾutʰ

ɽəʃtʰ və'ɾutʰ

246. 

younger brother

برادر خورد

bjɔ'daɾe
xʊɾd

vɾʊɪ tʃətʰ

'vɾue tʃətʰ

vɾuɪ tʃətʰ

tʃetʰ və'ɾutʰ

tʃeʈʰ və'ɾutʰ

ʈʂəʈʰ və'ɾutʰ

247. 

older sister

خواهر کلان

'xwɔɾe
kha'lɔn

i'xɔe kʰa'tʰa

'ixɔe kʰa'tʰa

i'xɔɪ kʰa'tʰa

ɡəʂt xɔɪ

ɾəʂt xwoɪ

ɽəʃtʰ xwɔ

248. 

younger sister

خواهر خورد

'xwɔɾe xʊɾd

i'xɔe tʃətʰ

ixɔe tʃətʰ

i'xɔɪ tʃətʰ

tʃetʰ xɔɪ

tʃəʈʰ xwoɪ

ʈʂəʈʰ xwɔ

249. 

rope

ریسمان

ɾes'phɔn

'ivdʊkʰ

iv'dʊkʰ

wʊʃ

wa'zɪn

wazɪn

iv'dɔkʰ

250. 

village

قریه

qhaɾ'ja

'mʊndʒɔ

qʰəʃ'lɔqʰ

qʰaɾ'ja

ve'latʰ

wʊ'latʰ

qʰəʃ'lɔqʰ

251. 

house

خانه

χɔ'na

xʊn

xɔn

xɔn

xan

xan

xɔn

252. 

roof

بام

bɔm

skʊd̪

skʊd̪

skʊ

kʰʊs'kʰʊtʰ

kʰɪs'kʰutʰ

kʰis'kʰutʰ

253. 

door

دروازه

daɾwɔ'za

vaɾ

vaɾ

vaɾ

daɾwa'zaɪ

wɔɾ

wɔɾ

254.

broom

جاروب

d͡ʒɔ'ɾu

ɾef

ɾef

ɾef

ɾe'fakʰ

ɾe'fakʰ

ɾe'fɔkʰ

255. 

hammer

چکش

t͡ʃɔ'khʊʃ

bɔle'qʰa

bɔle'qʰa

bɔle'qʰa

balə'qʰaɪ

tʃa'kʰuʃ

tʃa'kʰuʃ

256. 

knife

چاقو

t͡ʃɔ'qhu

kʰel

kʰe:l

kʰel

tʃɔ'qʰuɪ

tʃɔ'qʰʊ

tʃɔ'qʰu

257. 

axe

کلند

kho'land

tʃɔkʰ

tʃɔkʰ

tʃɔkʰ

kʰə'land

kʰa'land

kʰa'land

258. 

thread

تار

thɔɾ

'ivdʊkʰ

'ivdʊkʰ

'ivdʊkʰ

'ɪvdɔkʰ

ɪv'dɔkʰ

iv'dɔkʰ

259. 

needle

سوزن

su'zan

ʃtʰən

ʃtʰən

ʃə'tʰən

ɔʂ'tʰan

ɔʂ'tən

əʃ'tʰən

260. 

cloth

تکه

the'ka

kʰɔ'la

kʰɔ'la

tʰe'kʰa

kʰa'laɪ

ka'leɪ

kʰɔ'la

261. 

gold

طلا

the'lɔ

tʰe'lɔ

tʰe'lɔ

tʰe'lɔ

tʰe'laɪ

tʰɪ'laɪ

tʰe'lɔ

262. 

ring

انگشتر

ʔanɡʊʃ'th

tʃe'lekʰ

tʃe'lekʰ

tʃe'lekʰ

ɪŋɡɪ'tʰɔkʰ

ɪŋɡɪ'tʰʊkʰ

iŋɡi'tʰɔkʰ

263. 

knot

گری

'ɾe

ɡe'ɾe

ɡɾe

ɡə'ɾe

ɡə'ɾe

ɡə'ɾe

ɡə'ɾe

264.

path/road

پیاده رو

phjɔda'ɾao

ʃɔ'wal

ʃɔ'wal

ʃɔ'wal

pʰjada'ɾa

pʰja'deɪ

pʰjɔda'ɾao

265. 

name

نام

nɔm

ne:m

nim

ni:m

ni:m

nim

ni:m

266. 

other

دیگر

dɪ'ɡaɾ

dɪ'ɡa

dɪ'ɡa

dɪ'ɡa

a'we

dɪ'ɡaɾ

dɪ'ɡaɾ

267. 

sew

میدوزه

'medoza

'andəɾvʊ

'andəɾvʊ

'andɾvʊs

'andərwoʂ

'anderwɔʂ

andəɾ'wɔʂ

 

sew

دوخت

'doxt

'andəɾvt

'andəɾvd

'andəɾvd̪

an'dəɾvtʰ

'andəɾvt

an'dərvtʰ

268. 

kill

میکشد

'mekhʊʃa

'ʒanʊ

'ʒanʊs

'ʒanʊs

kʰo'ʂʊ kʰe'noɪ

'ʐanʊʂ

ʒa'noʃ

 

kill

کشت

khʊʃt

ʒad̪

ʒad

ʒad̪

ʒɔd

ʐɔd

ʒɔtʰ

269. 

burn (wood) NP

میسوزد

'mesoza

'sawʊ

'sawʊs

'saus

tʰa'woɪ

ta'wɔʂ

'tʰɪwuʃ

 

burn (wood) P

سوخت

soxt

səd̪

səd

səd̪

tʰed

təd

tʰə'dɔkʰ

270. 

freeze NP

یخ میزند

jax 'mezana

jax kʰə'nʊ

xə'nəkʰəs do

jax kʰo'lʊkʰ

jaxə kʰe'noɪ

'jəxə kʰe'noɪ

'jɪxə kʰə'nʊ

 

freeze P

یخ زد

jax zat

jax kʰɔl

xə'nəkʰ ded̪

jax ded̪

jax kʰol

jəx kʰəd

jɪx kʰʊtʰ

271. 

swell NP

می پندد

'mephʊnda

wə'ɾam kʰə'nʊ

wə'ɾam kʰɔ'lɔk

wa'ɾaməs kʰə'nʊ

va'ɾamə kʰə'noɪ

və'ɾamə kʰe'dɔkʰ

wə'ɾamə kʰə'nʊ

 

swell P

پندید

phʊn'dɪt

wə'ɾam kʰɔl

wə'ɾam kʰɔl

wa'ɾam kʰʊ'lʊkʰ

va'ɾam kʰol

və'ɾam kʰəd

wə'ɾam kʰʊtʰ

272. 

blow (wind) NP

شمال میشود

ʃə'mɔl

'meʃa

bɔd 'xazʊ

ʃam'ɔl 'xazʊ

bɔd 'xasʊs

ʃa'mal ʃwoɪ

ʃa'mal loɪ

ʃa'mɔlɔ

 

blow (wind) P

شمال شد

ʃə'mɔl 'ʃʊt

bɔd xət̪

ʃam'ɔl xətʰ

bɔd xətʰ

ʃa'mal ʃitʰ

ʃa'mal ʃɪtʰ

ʃa'mɔl ʃə'dɔkʰ

Appendix B: Village Elder Questionnaire

I. Interview Data

1. Researcher

۱. پژوهشگر

2. Date

۲. تاریخ

3. Location

۳. موقعیت

4. Language of Interview

۴. لسان مصاحبه

II. Personal Data of Informant

1. Name of Informant

۱. اسم

2. Gender of Informant

۲. جنس

3. Age

۳. سن

4. Place of Birth

۴. محل تولد

5. Residence (now/others)

۵. محل زندگی فعلی و قبلاّ

6. Mother Tongue

۶. لسان مادری

7. Father's Mother Tongue

۷. زبان اصلی پدر

8. Mother's Mother Tongue

۸. زبان اصلی مادر

9. Education Level

۹. درجه تحصیل (چند سال)

10. Profession, where

۱۰. وظیفه (کجا)

11. Marital Status

۱۱. حالت مدنی

12. Children

۱۲. اولاد

13. ID

۱۳. تذکره

III. Village Data

1. How many houses are in the village?

۱. در این قریه چند خانه دارد؟

2. How many people do usually live in a house?

۲. در یک خانه چند نفر زندگی میکنند؟

3. How many people do live in the village?

۳. در این قریه چند نفر زندگی میکنند؟

4. What language do people speak here in your village?

۴. در این قریه مردم به کدام زبان گپ میزنند؟

5. In which other villages do people speak this language?

۵. دیگر در کدام قریه ها مردم به این زبان گپ میزنند؟

6. What languages do people speak in other villages?

۶. در دیگر قریه ها مردم به کدام زبان ها گپ میزنند؟

7. How many children of your village go to school?

۷. چند اطفال از این قریه مکتب میروند؟

8. Do girls attend school, too?

۸. دختران هم مکتب میروند؟

9. Where do children go to school?

۹. اطفال کجا مکتب میروند؟

10. How big is this school? Up to which grade does it go?

۱۰. این مکتب چند شاگرد دارد؟ و تا کدام صنف هست؟

11. What is the language of instruction in the school?

۱۱. معلمان به کدام زبان درس میدهند؟

12. Would it be good if school children could become literate first in Ishkashimi/Sanglechi and later in Dari?

۱۲. به نظر شما خوب میبود که شاگردان اول به اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی خواندن و نوشتن را یاد میگرند و پسانتر به دری؟ یا اول به دری؟

13. Where do children go for further education?

۱۳. بعد از فارغ شدن از این مکتب شاگردان برای تحصیلات عالی کجا میروند؟

14. How many go for further education?

۱۴. به چی تعداد شاگردان برای تحصیلات عالی میروند؟

15. Do boys and girls go for further education?

۱۵. بچه ها زیادتر و یا دخترها برای تحصیلات عالی میروند؟

16. How many of the adults are literate in your village? How many adults read books? (All — many — some — a few)

۱۶. به فکر شما، به چی تعداد از مردان و زنان در این قریه باسواد هستند؟ چی تعداد نفر کتاب را میخوانند؟ (کل ـ زیاد — متوسط ـ کم)

17. Where do men get there brides from?

۱۷. مردان از کجا نامزاد را میگرند؟

18. Where do people go when they are sick?

۱۸. مردم که مریض میشوند برای کمک کچا میروند؟

19. Where is the nearest hospital, clinic and pharmacy?

۱۹. شفا خانه، کلنیک و دواخانه نزدیکترین کچا هست؟

20. How do they go?

۲۰. مردم که مریض هستند چطور آنجا میروند؟

21. How long does it take?

۲۱. چقدر وقت را میگرد؟

22. What are the most common sicknesses that people suffer from?

۲۲. کدام مریضی را مردم زیادتر دارند؟

23. What do people produce themselves for their living?

۲۳. مردم برای خد اش چی زندگی پیدا میکنند؟

24. Where do people get things from they can't produce themselves?

۲۴. دیگر سودا که کار دارند مردم چطور پیدا میکنند؟

25. How do people make money?

۲۵. مردم چطور پیسه پیدا میکنند؟

26. What do people eat?

۲۶. مردم چی را میخورند؟

27. If there is electricity, where does it come from?

۲۷. اگر برق باشد، چطور پیدا میشود؟

28. Where does the water come from?

۲۸. آب چطور پیدا میشود؟

29. Are any organizations working here? Which ones?

۲۹. کدام دفترها اینجا کار و خدمت میکنند؟

30. What kind of work are they doing?

۳۰. آنها چی خدمت میکنند؟

Appendix C: Sociolinguistic Questionnaire

I. Statistics

1. Researcher

۱. پژوهشگر

2. Date

۲. تاریخ

3. Location

۳. موقعیت

4. Language of Interview

۴. لسان مصاحبه

5. Name of Informant

۵. اسم

6. Gender of Informant

۶. جنس

7. Age

۷. سن

8. ID

۸. تذکره

II. Demographics

1. Place of Birth

۱. محل تولد

2. Residence (now, others)

۲. محل زندگی فعلی و قبلاّ

3. Mother Tongue of Informant

۳. لسان مادری

4. Father's Mother Tongue

۴. لسان اصلی پدر

5. Mother's Mother Tongue

۵.لسان اصلی مادر

6. Mother Tongue of husband/wife

۲. لسان اصلی شور/ زن

7. Education Level

۷. درجه تحصیل (چند سال)

8. Profession, where

۸. وظیفه (کجا)

9. Marital Status

۹. حالت مدنی

10. Children

۱۰. اولاد

11. Number of people in the house

۱۱. نمبر نفر در خانه

12. Number of houses in the village

۱۲. نمبر خانه در قریه

III. Language Area

1. What do you call your language?

۱. زبان شما چیست؟

2. What do other people call your language?

۲. مردم زبان شما را چی مینامند؟

3. In which villages do people speak your language? How many people speak your language in those villages? (All - many - some - few)

۳. مردم کجا به زبان شما گپ میزنند؟ چند نفر از مردم آنجا به زبان تان گپ میزنند؟ (تمام شان — زیادترشان — کمترشان — خیلی کم)

4. Where do people speak Ishkashimi/Sanglechi most sweet/beautiful? Least sweet/beautiful?

۶. مردم در کجا به زبان اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی خوب و شرین گپ میزنند؟ و در کجا خراب یا بد گپ میزنند؟

5. Where do people speak Ishkashimi/Sanglechi slightly different/very different/totally different from you?

۵. مردم کجا با کم فرق/ با زیاد فرق/ با بسیار زیاد فرق زبان شما گپ میزنند؟

6. Do you always understand it well?

۶. آنها را همیشه خوب میفهمید؟

7. Which other languages do you speak? Where did you learn those languages?

۷. دیگر کدام زبان را بلد استید؟ از کجا این زبان ها را یاد گرفتید؟

8. Which language is easiest for you?

۸. کدام زبان آسانتر است برای شما؟

9. Which language would you like to speak better?

۹. کدام زبان را خوش دارید که بهتر گپ بزنید؟

IV. Language and Family

1. What language do you speak with your parents? With your spouse? With your siblings? With your children? With relatives visiting from other places?

۱. به کدام زبان همرای پدر و مادر تان گپ میزنید؟ همرای زنتان — شوهرتان؟ همرای خواهر و برادرتان؟ همرای اولادایتان؟ همرای قوم و خوش که به دیدنتان میآند؟

2. Does anybody speak other languages except your mother tongue in your home? Who? With Whom? Why?

۲. در خانه شما کسی است بغیر از زبان اصلی کدام زبان دیگر را گپ میزند؟ کی؟ با کی؟ چرا؟

3. How would you feel if your children spoke in Dari at home among themselves? Why?

۳. اگر اطفال شما در خانه همرای یک دگر به دری گپ میزدند برای شما چطور میبود؟ چرا؟

4. Do children sometimes mix Dari and Ishkashimi/ Sanglechi?

۴. اطفال کدام وقت زبان دری و اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی گت میکنند؟

5. When your children grow up, what language will they use the most? Why?

۵. وقت که اطفال تان کلان میشوند زیاتر به کدام زبان گپ میزنند؟ چرا؟

6. When your grand children grow up, what language will they use the most?

۶. نواسه های تان به کدام زبان گپ بزنند؟

7. Do many of your people marry speakers of other languages? Which languages?

۷. مردم تان با زنی که به زبان تان گپ نه میزند عروسی میکنند؟ مردم کدام زبان عروسی میکنند؟

8. What language do they speak with their children?

۸. آنها با اطقال شان به کدام زبان گپ میزنند؟

9. From which village should your son take a wife?

۹. انتحاب همسر پسر تان از کدام قریه زن بگیرد خوبتر است؟

10. Would you let him marry someone who speaks only Dari/Shughni/Wakhi/Ishkashimi/Sanglechi/Wardugi (use the L that are not the interviewees MT) other? Which L would they use in the home after the wedding?

۱۰. شما به پسر تان اجازه میدهید که زنی بگیرد که تنها زبان دری/ شغنی/ واخی/ اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی/ وردوجی دیگر بلد باشد؟ بعد از عروسی آنها کدام زبان را در خانه گپ میرنند؟

V. Language and Community

1. What language do the elders in your community use with each other? With elders of other communities? Talk to you? In public speeches?

۱. ریش سفیدان قریه شما همرای یکدیگر به کدام زبان گپ میزنند؟ ... در وقت ملاقات و دیدار با ریش سفیدان قریه های دیگر؟...همرای شما؟ ...برای مردم؟

2. Which language do you use at Juma Namoz during prayer? The Khalifa after prayer for preaching?

۲. به کدام زبان در نماز جمعه دعا میکنید؟ بعد از نماز جمعه ملا برای مردم به کدام زبان گپ میزند؟

3. Which language(s) do you speak with government officials?

۳. با نفر های دولت به کدام زبان گپ میزنید؟

4. Are there any people in your village who don't speak Ishkashimi/Sanglechi? Who? Why? Does their number increase? Their children?

۴. در قریه شما کسی موجود است که با زبان اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی گپ نزند؟ کی است؟ چرا؟ آنها زیاد شده میروند؟ اطفال شان چطور؟

5. Have you ever met a Shughni/Wakhi/Ishkashimi/ Sanglechi/Wardugi (use the language which is not the Interviewees MT) other? Which language do you use with this person?

۵. کدام وقت کسی را از مردم شغنی/ واخی/ اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی دیگردیدید؟ در این وقت از کدام زبان استفاده کردید؟

6. Has ever anyone made fun of the Ishkashimi/ Sanglechi people because of their language?

۶. کس سر نفراشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی زبان خنده کرد از خاطر زبان اش؟

VI. Language, Travel and Trade

1. Which languages do you speak at the bazaar?

۱. به کدام زبان در بازار گپ میزنید؟

2. What language do you most often speak with merchants who come to the village?

۲. همرای تجار که به قریه میاند به کدام زبان گپ میزنید؟

3. Where do you go to visit? How often? How long? For what occasions? What language do you use there?

۳. شما به کدام جا ها سفر میکنید؟ چند دفعه؟ چقدر وقت؟ برای چی؟ از کدام زبان ها در آنجا استفاده میکنید؟

4. Do people go to other places for work or military service? Where? How long? What language did you use there?

۴. از قریه شما مردم برای کاریا اسکری به جا های دیگر میروند؟ کجا؟ چی مدت زمان؟ کدام زبان ها در آنجا استفاده میکنند؟

5. Do people ever travel from here to the Ishkashimi living in Tajikistan? Do you understand them well?

۵. مردم از اینجا به مردم اشکاشیمی که در تاجکستان زندگی میکنند، سفر مروند؟ گپ اش فحمده میشود؟

6. Where do people come from to visit here? How often? How long? For what occasions? What language do they use? Do you note in any differences in their speech?

۶. مردم از کجا به این جا میآند؟ چند مرتبه؟ چی مدت زمان؟ برای چی؟ کدام زبان ها را بشتر استفاده میکنند؟ زبانش فرق دارد؟

7. Do ever Ishkashimi people from Tajikistan come here to visit? Do you understand them well?

۷. مردم اشکاشیمی که درتاجکشتان زندگی میکنند، بعسی وقت اینجا میآند؟ گپ اش فحمده میشود؟

8. Where does Ishkashimi/Sanglechi come from? Where was it spoken first?

۸. زبان اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی از کجا آمده؟ اول در کجا رواج بود؟

VII. Language, Children and Education

1. Where do your children go to school? How many years? How often?

۱. اطفال شما کجا مکتب میروند؟ امومن چند سال مروند؟ هر روز مروند؟ تمام سال میرون؟

2. How many children of your village go to school? (All — many — some — few)

۲. چند اطفال از قریه شما مکتب میروند؟ (کل — زیاد — کدام — کم)

3. Do girls attend school? How many years? How often?

۳. آیا دختر ها به مکتب میروند؟ امومن چند سال میروند؟ هر روز میروند؟ تمام سال میرون؟

4. What people do the teachers belong to? What is their mother tongue?

۴. معلمان از کدام مردم هستند؟ یعنی از کدام زبان؟

5. What language(s) do the teachers use with the students during lessons? after school on the street?

۵. معلمان به کدام زبان درس میدهند؟ معلمان بعد از درس همرای شاگرد ها به کدام زبان گپ میزنند؟

6. When your children started school did they already know the language of instruction?

۶. وقت که اطفال شما نو مکتب رفتن زبان که درس داده میشود، او را یاد گرفتند؟

7. Before starting school which language do/did your children use among each other?

۷. وقت که اطفال شما خورد استند/ میبودند و مکتب نه میروند/ میرفتند بین خود شان به کدام زبان گپ میزنند/ میزدند؟

8. What do the children speak among each other during breaks?

۸. در وقت تفریح اطفال به کدام زبان گپ میزنند؟

9. Does the teacher help the students in Ishkashimi/ Sanglechi?

۹. معلم شاگرد ها را به زبان اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی کمک میکند؟

10. At what age do your children understand Dari well?

۱۰. اطفال شما چی وقت زبان دری را یاد گرفتند؟

11. Would you prefer your children to learn reading and writing in Dari or Ishkashimi/Sanglechi? Why?

۱۱. خوب بود که اطفال خواندن و نوشتن را به زبان اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی یاد بگرند یا به زبان دری؟ چرا؟

12. How many of the adults are literate? How many adults read books? (All — many — some — a few)

۱۲. به فکر شما، چند فصد از مردان و زن ها در اینجا بسواد هستند؟ چند کتاب را میخوانند؟ (کل — زیاد — کدام — کم)

VIII. Literacy and Media

1. Do you like reading books? What kind of books do you usually read?

۱. شما خواندن کتاب را خوش دارید؟ امومن چی نوع کتاب میخوانید؟

2. Are there books in your language? Have you seen them? Read them?

۲. کتاب ها به زبان خودتان دارد؟ خوانده اید؟ یا دیده اید؟

3. Would you like books in your language? Why? What kind of books would you like: stories, poetry, songs, history, health education, other?

۳. میخواهید به زبان خودشما کتاب باشد؟ چرا؟ اگر میخواهید چی نوع کتاب باشد داستان ها، شعر، خواندن ها یا آواز ها، تاریخ، دربارهٔ صحت کدام یکی؟

4. Would you spend money to buy books in Ishkashimi/ Sanglechi?

۴. اگر کتاب به اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی میبود، شما آن را میخرید؟

5. What would be the best dialect to produce literature in? Why?

۵. بهترین لهجه برای ساختن ادبیات کدام است؟ چرا؟

6. Would you like to learn reading and writing in Dari or in Ishkashimi/Sanglechi?

۶. شما میخواهد به کدام زبان خواندن و نوشتن یاد بگرید، به دری یا به اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی؟

7. If there where a literacy class in Ishkashimi/Sanglechi, would you go?

۷. اگر اینجا درس خواندن و نوشتن به اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی؟ میبود، شما رفته بودید؟

8. Would you spend money in order to learn reading and writing in Ishkashimi/Sanglechi?

۸. شما برای این درس پیسه میدادید؟

9. Do you listen to the radio? In what language?

۹. شما رادیو را میشنوید؟ به کدام زبان؟

IX. Personal Importance

1. How important is the Ishkashimi/Sanglechi language to you?

۱. زبان اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی برای شما تا چی اندازه مهم است؟

Appendix D: Proficiency Storying Questionnaire

Interview Data

1. Date

۲. تاریخ

2. Location

۳. موقعیت

3. Language of Interview

۴. لسان مصاحبه

Personal Data of Informant

1. Name of Informant

۱. اسم

2. Gender of Informant

۲. جنس

3. Age

۳. سن

4. Place of Birth

۴. محل تولد

5. Residence (now, others)

۵. محل زندگی فعلی و قبلاّ

6. Mother Tongue

۶. لسان مادری

7. Father's Mother Tongue

۷. زبان اصلی پدر

8. Mother's Mother Tongue

۸. زبان اصلی مادر

9. Spouse's Mother Tongue

۹. زبان اصلی شور/ زو

10. Education Level

۱۰. درجه تحصیل (چند سال)

11. Profession, where

۱۱. وظیفه (کجا)

12. Marital Status

۱۲. حالت مدنی

13. Children

۱۳. اولاد

14. Number of people in the house

۱۴. نمبر نفر در خانه

15. ID

۱۵. تذکره

Childhood Language Use

1. Before you went to school, what language did you speak with your parents?

۱. پیش از این که مکتب میرفتید، به کدام زبان همرای پدر و مادر گپ میزدید؟

2. With whom did you first speak Dari?

۲. همرای که اول به دری گپ میزدید؟

3. By what age did you feel you could speak Dari quite well?

۳. چند ساله بودید که دری را خوب یاد گرفته بودید؟

4a. In school, how did your friends' Dari levels compare to yours?

۴. الف) در مکتب شما بیهترین دری یاد داشتید یا دوستان تان؟

4b. What was the cause of the difference?

۴. ب) چرا همان طور میبود؟

4c. How does your friends' Dari levels compare to yours today?

۴. ت) هالی شما بهتر به دری گپ زده میتوانید یا دوستان تان؟

4d. What is the cause of the difference today?

۴. پ) چرا همان طور هست؟

5a. When you were in school, did you have any neighbor children who spoke mostly Dari at home?

۵. الف) وقت که شما مکتب میرفتید، شاگردانی بود که در خانه خود شان به دری گپ میزدند؟

5b. Who were they?

۵. ب) کی بود؟

5c. How often did you speak with them?

۵. ت) چقدر وقت شما همرا اش گپ زدید؟

Level of Proficiency

Level One/Two

6a. When was the last time you bought something from the bazaar/a trader?

۶. الف) دفه گزشته که شما سودا از بازار/ از تجار خردید، چی وقت بود؟

6b. What language did you use to buy things?

۶. ب) به کدام زبان خردید؟

6c. Where was that?

۶. ت) کجا بود؟

6d. What did you buy?

۶. پ) چی را خردید؟

6e. Did you do most of the talking or someone else?

۶. ث) شما زیادتر همرای تجار گپ زدید یا دگر نفر؟

6f. Was it difficult in any way?

۶. ج) مشکل بود؟

6g. Do you know anyone would have problems using Dari in the same situation?

۶. ح) کس را میشناسید که برای اش به دری مشکیل میبود؟

7a. Can you give the names of different animals and plants and say what they look like in Dari?

۷. الف) شما نام حیوانات و نباتاب را به دری یاد دارید و میتوانید راجع به آنها گپ بزنید؟

7b. Do you know someone who cannot do this as well as you?

۷. ب) شما کس را میشناسید که این کار کمتر میتواند؟

7c. Do you know someone who can do this better than you?

۷. ت) شما کس را میشناسید که این کار بهتر میتواند؟

8a. Have you ever had an experience when you spoke Dari with someone and it was difficult?

۸. الف) کدام وقت بود که شما به دری همرای کس گپ زدید و برای شما مشکل بود؟

8b. Why was it difficult?

۸. ب) چرا مشکل بود؟

8c. Whom were you talking with?

۸. ت) همرای که گپ زدید؟

8d. What were you talking about?

۸. پ) راجع به چی گپ زدید؟

8e. Would you have the same problems today?

۸. ث) امروز هم این مشکل هست؟

Level Two Plus/Three

9. If you forget a Dari word while talking, what do you do?

۹. وقت شما گپ میزنید و یک لغت دری از یاد تان میرود، چی میکنید؟

10a. Have you ever been to the doctor (Dari-speaking)?

۱۱. الف) شما پش داکتر رفته بودید؟

10b. When was this?

۱۱. ب) چی وقت بود؟

10c. Who went with you?

۱۱. ت) کی همرای شما رفت؟

10d. Were you able to explain everything you needed to (in Dari)?

۱۱. پ) شما تانستید هر چیز به دری بگوید؟

10e. What was difficult to explain?

۱۱. ث) چی مشکل بود؟

10f. Do you know someone for whom this situation would have been more difficult?

۱۱. ج) شما کس را میشناسید کی برای اش مشکلتر میبود

10g. Do you know someone for whom this situation would have been easier?

۱۱. الف) شما کس را میشناسید کی برای اش آسانتر میبود

11a. Have you ever had to argue with someone in Dari?

۱۲. ب) شما همرای کس به دری غالمغال کرده بودید؟

11b. What did you argue about?

۱۲. ت) غالمغال راجع به چی بود؟

11c. Was it difficult to use Dari for this?

۱۲. پ) مشکل بود به دری؟

11d. Do you know someone for whom this would have been more difficult?

۱۲. ث) شما کس را میشناسید کی برای اش مشکلتر میبود؟

11e. Do you know someone for whom this would have been less difficult?

۱۲. الف) شما کس را میشناسید کی برای اش آسانتر میبود؟

12a. Have you ever translated for someone from Dari into Ishkashimi/Sanglechi?

۱۳. ب) شما برای دگر نفر ترجمه کرده بودید؟

12b. When was this?

۱۳. ت) چی وقت بود؟

12c. For whom did you translate?

۱۳. پ) برای کی ترجمه کردید؟

12d. What was the topic/situation?

۱۳. ث) ترجمه راجع به چی بود؟

12e. Was it difficult in any way?

۱۳. ج) مشکل بود؟

12f. Do you know someone for whom this kind of situation would be more difficult?

۱۳. ح) شما کس را میشناسید کی برای اش مشکلتر میبود؟

12g. Do you know someone for whom this situation would be less difficult?

۱۳. چ) شما کس را میشناسید کی برای اش آسانتر میبود؟

13a. Are their certain topics which are easier for you to speak about it Dari than others?

۱۴. الف) کدام مضمون ها برای شما آسانتر هست که به دری راجع به آن گپ بزنید از دگر مضمون؟

13b. Which ones?

۱۴. ب) کدام اش آسانتر هست؟

13c. Why are they easier?

۱۴. ت) چرا اسان تر هست؟

14a. Have you ever told a joke in Dari?

۱۵. الف) شما کدام دفعه به دری مزاق کردید؟

14b. When?

۱۵. ب) چی وقت؟

14c. Who was there?

۱۵. ت) کی گوش گرفت؟

14d. Was it hard (in Dari)?

۱۵. پ) مشکل بود به دری؟

14e. Why was it hard?

۱۵. ث) چرا مشکل بود؟

14f. Do you know someone for whom this would have been easier?

۱۵. خ) شما کس را میشناسید کی برای اش آسانتر میبود؟

14g. Do you know someone for whom this would have been harder?

۱۵. ح) شما کس را میشناسید کی برای اش مشکلتر میبود؟

15a. Have you ever talked about politics with someone in Dari?

۱۰. الف) شما همرای کس به دری راجع به سیاست گپ زدید؟

15b. When was the last time you did?

۱۰. ب) دفعه گزشته چی وقت بود؟

15c. With whom were you talking?

۱۰. ت) همرای کی گپ زدید؟

15d. What was difficult about this experience?

۱۰. پ) مشکلات چی بود؟

15e. Do you know someone who would have more difficulties than you in the same situation?

۱۰. ث) شما کس را میشناسید کی زیادتر مشکلات داشته باشد؟

15f. Do you know someone who would have less difficulty than you in the same situation?

۱۰. ج) شما کس را میشناسید کی کمتر مشکلات ها داشته باشد؟

Level Three Plus/Four

16a. Are you familiar with all the words of the Dari language?

۱۶. الف) شما کلی لغت ها به دری میفهمید؟

16b. Do you know someone who is not familiar with all the words of the Dari language?

۱۶. ب) شما کس را میشناسید که کلی لغات ها را به دری نه میفهمید؟

16c. Do you know someone who is familiar with all the words of the Dari language?

۱۶. ت) شما کس را میشناسید کی کل لغات ها را به دری میفهمید؟

17a. Are there certain people with whom you would find it hard to speak Dari (because your Dari is not good enough)?

۱۷. الف) کس هست که برای شما مشکل باشد که همرا اش به دری گپ بزنید؟

17b. Whom?

۱۷. ب) کی هست؟

17c. Why would it be difficult to speak Dari with them?

۱۷. ت) چرا مشکل هست؟

17d. Do you know someone who wouldn't have problems speaking Dari with them?

۱۷. پ) شما کس را میشناسید که برا اش مشکل نه باشد؟

18a. Have you ever made a mistake speaking Dari?

۱۸. الف) یک وقت به گپ زدن دری اشتبا کرده بودید؟

18b. Are you still making mistakes?

۱۸. ب) هنوز اشتبا میکنید؟

Level Four Plus/Five

19. Do you know more words in Ishkashimi/Sanglechi or more Dari words?

۱۹. شما زیاتر لغت ها را به دری یا به اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی میفهمید؟

20a. Can you speak Dari like mother tongue Dari speakers?

۲۰. الف) شما میتوانید به دری گپ بزنید مثل نفر دری زبان؟

20b. Do you know someone (else) who can't?

۲۰. ب) کس را میشناسید که نه میتواند گپ زدن مثل نفر دری زبان؟

21. Is it easier to count quickly in your head in Dari or in Ishkashimi/Sanglechi?

۲۱. چی برای شما آسانتر هست — حساب کردن زودتر در فکر تان به اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی یا به دری؟

22. Is it sometimes easier to think in Dari rather than Ishkashimi/Sanglechi or is it the other way around?

۲۲. چی برای شما آسانتر هست — فکر کردن به دری یا به اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی؟

Community Proficiency

23. Are there children in this community who speak Dari very well?

۲۳. در این قریه اطفالی هستند که به دری بسیار بلدیت دارند؟

24. Are there families in this community in which the parents speak Dari well but the children don't speak it well?

۲۴. در این قریه فامیل هستند که پدر و مادر دری را خوب یاد دارند، لاکن اطفال نی؟

25. Are there families in the community in which the children speak Dari well but the parents don't speak it well?

۲۵. در این قریه فامیل هستند که اطفال دری را خوب یاد دارند، لاکن پدر و مادر نی؟

26. In your opinion, why do some children speak Dari well and others don't?

۲۶. به نظر شما چرا یگان اطفال خوب دری را یاد دارد، لاکن دگران شان نی؟

27. Is the number of children who speak Dari well larger or smaller than 20 years ago?

۲۷. بست سال پیشتر اطفال دری را خوب یاد میگرفتید یا حالی؟

28. Do you expect your grandchildren will speak Dari as well as you do? What about Ishkashimi/Sanglechi?

۲۸. به نظر شما نواسات شما مثل شما دری را خوب یاد دارند؟ اشکاشیمی/ سنگلیچی چطور؟

Language Contact

1. Learned Dari how

۱. یاد گرفتن دری را (چطور)

2. Travel to Dari-speaking area

۲. سفر به شهر دری زبان

3. Living in Dari-speaking area

۳. زندگی به شهر دری زبان

4. Other contact to Dari-speakers

۴. دگرتماس همرای دری زبان

Appendix E: Interagency Language Roundtable Proficiency Scale[6]

ILR Level 1 - Elementary proficiency

  • able to satisfy routine travel needs and minimum courtesy requirements
  • can ask and answer questions on very familiar topics; within the scope of very limited language experience
  • can understand simple questions and statements, allowing for slowed speech, repetition or paraphrase
  • has a speaking vocabulary which is inadequate to express anything but the most elementary needs; makes frequent errors in pronunciation and grammar, but can be understood by a native speaker used to dealing with foreigners attempting to speak the language
  • while topics which are "very familiar" and elementary needs vary considerably from individual to individual, any person at this should be able to order a simple meal, ask for shelter or lodging, ask and give simple directions, make purchases, and tell time.

ILR Level 2 - Limited working proficiency

  • able to satisfy routine social demands and limited work requirements
  • can handle with confidence, but not with facility, most social situations including introductions and casual conversations about current events, as well as work, family, and autobiographical information
  • can handle limited work requirements, needing help in handling any complications or difficulties; can get the gist of most conversations on non-technical subjects (i.e. topics which require no specialized knowledge), and has a speaking vocabulary sufficient to respond simply with some circumlocutions
  • has an accent which, though often quite faulty, is intelligible
  • can usually handle elementary constructions quite accurately but does not have thorough or confident control of the grammar.

ILR Level 3 - Professional working proficiency

  • able to speak the language with sufficient structural accuracy and vocabulary to participate effectively in most formal and informal conversations on practical, social, and professional topics
  • can discuss particular interests and special fields of competence with reasonable ease
  • has comprehension which is quite complete for a normal rate of speech
  • has a general vocabulary which is broad enough that he or she rarely has to grope for a word
  • has an accent which may be obviously foreign; has a good control of grammar; and whose errors virtually never interfere with understanding and rarely disturb the native speaker.

ILR Level 4 - Full professional proficiency

  • able to use the language fluently and accurately on all levels normally pertinent to professional needs
  • can understand and participate in any conversations within the range of own personal and professional experience with a high degree of fluency and precision of vocabulary
  • would rarely be taken for a native speaker, but can respond appropriately even in unfamiliar situations
  • makes only quite rare and unpatterned errors of pronunciation and grammar
  • can handle informal interpreting from and into the language.

ILR Level 5 - Native or bilingual proficiency

  • has a speaking proficiency equivalent to that of an educated native speaker
  • has complete fluency in the language, such that speech on all levels is fully accepted by educated native speakers in all of its features, including breadth of vocabulary and idiom, colloquialisms, and pertinent cultural references.

Appendix F: Stories for RTTs (with Breaks) and Questionnaire

1. RTT-Questionnaire

Pre-Testing Data

1. Researcher

۱. پژوهشگر

2. Date

۲. تاریخ

3. Location

۳. موقعیت

4. Name of Informant

۴. اسم جواب دهنده

5. Gender of Informant

۵. جنس جواب دهنده

6. Age

۶. سن

7. Mother Tongue

۷. لسان مادری جواب دهنده

8. Parents' Mother Tongue

۸. لسان اصلی پدر و مادر

9. Place of Birth

۹. محل تولد

10. Residence (now/other)

۱۰. محل زندگی میکردید (فعلی، قبلاّ)

11. Education Level

۱۱. درجه تحصیل

12. Profession

۱۲. وظیفه

13. Travel Patterns, general (destination/frequency/duration/language)

۱۳. سفر (به کخا، چند وقت، چقدر وقت، زبان)

14. ID

۱۴. تذکره

Post-Testing Questions

1. Where does the storyteller come from?

۱. نفر که قصه میگوید کجای هست؟

2. Was it good Ishkashimi/Sanglechi?

۲. لسان اشکاشیمی/ سگلیچی اش خوب بود؟

3. How much did you understand?

۳. چقدر فحمدید؟

4. How different is the language from yours?

۴. از زبان شما چقدر فرق دارد؟

5. Contact with the people from that area?
(travel/extended time/living)

۵. نفر ها را از آنجا میشناسید؟

2. Ishkashimi story

Wolf Attack (Bāshend)

qʰe'sae tʃɔ'lepe iʃkʰaʃɪ'mi tʰʊ mɔ ba'as ɣaʃm za
I will tell you an interesting Ishkashimi story.

waxtʰ qʰeʃlɔq zaɾɡa'ɾɔn tʰuɪ 'wədətʰ 'malaqʰ mespʰe bɔ'ʃend tʰuɪ 'vədətʰ
In the villages of Bashend and Zargarān, there was a wedding.

Pause

tʃumatʃɔn tʰuɪ madaqʰ 'wədətʰ ɾə'uf 'felan kʰɔɾ'mand ɾa'ise daf'taɾ 'baxʃe hek 'tʃise fo'kʰase pʰə iʃkʰaʃem akaɾ uɪ tʰuɪ wet
A person called Jumma got married and also Abdul Ra'uf in Zargarān, who was working for the office "Focus".

Pause

batʰ tso 'wadakʰ matsam neʃt zemnɔ ɡunɔ faɪʃa laʃf sutʰ tʰə tʰɔ qʰa ʃu ʃabe zemes'tɔn mus 'wədətʰ waɾf mus 'wədətʰ
When I was leaving they told me: "It is winter, do not go home alone." It was winter and there was snow as well.

Pause

swadəkʰ mɔ wətʰ psɔ aɪs bɔ nɪm mɔlɔ'qʰɔtʰe a'patʰaq mextʰe tsə tsfʊɾ wʊɾk ɔntsaɾ ɾekʰ ptsətʰ
When I reached an area called Mulaghat suddenly four wolves came up to me from the fields.

'batsawan xaɪ amɔnd nɔn de'ɡa 'kame suɾ taqʰ'ɾiban ɡam'la ʃud
There they attacked me.

Pause

bɔxɔɾ sɔns aɡaɾ mu'suɾ am'la ku'nun etʃ tʃis ne deɡa mau nɔn nesfetʰ na kʰu'dam tɪ'jɔkʰ wɔtʰ mɔ'nɔtʰ na zum 'wədətʰ etʃ tʃise nes 'wədətʰ
Unfortunately I did not have anything, no stick and no stone. There was only snow.

fa'kʰatʰ wɔkʰ ɾɔdɪ'o kʰe maɪ'dekʰ pʰɔ man tʰus 'wədətʰ akʰ ɾo'ʃan kʰulum em sa'dɔ sa be'land ʃud em tʃeɾɔx a'mɔndɔs diɾ tuɣ'dɔn
I only had a small radio in my hand. When I turned the radio on, the light would go on and the wolves shrank back.

Pause

'waxte sa'dɔ beswa pʰas kʰu'num a'mɔndos kʰunam suɾ tʰas'mime am'la bud ma'ɪvenɔ
When I turned it off they tried to attack.

akʰsi akʰsitʰ xaɪ xapʰtem kʰalapʰo'i jakʰ si kʰalapʰo'i tʰa sem ma kʰom kʰalapʰo'taɾ xavn jax 'wədətʰ dakʰ'undʒɔ
Bit by bit I was going downhill. The ground was icy.

Pause

mɔn tsɔm pʰɔ mal wɔkʰ 'pʰada watʰ
I looked at the wolves and I fell.

'waxtʰe sa'watʰam a'mɔndɔn 'deɡa kʰaman suɾə 'xəsətʰ buxɔ sɔnəs makʰ 'zɔnzɔn
When I fell, they wanted to attack me.

a'kʰam 'wəza du'bɔm skʰe tʃɔm xudətʰ tʰa mɔn na xaɪ ze'makʰ diɾtʰaɾ tʰuɣtʰ ɔɣadam kʰe jakʰ tʰek'suɾ
Then I got up and they shrank back.

Pause

'wokʰeat tʰekʰe bes'jɔɾ bɔ'ɾikʰ wətʰ ɔɣadɔn amɔnda jakʰ pʰɔjatʰ kʰe diwɔn jakʰ tʰkʰsuɾ de dɪjɔnatʰ saman tʃpɔʃ jɔ xudɔ sɔɡ az ɣulɔ ʃɔ'wand 'dɪjɔna weɡ kʰa'ma suɾamlakʰa
There was a very narrow bridge, two wolves stood on the far side and two behind me.

Pause

a'aɾtʃɪ fɔʃ nə sə'mənd dəwɪ de'ɡa aɪɾɔnə fə'ɾen zen kʰəkum
They tried to attack me and I wondered: "What should I do?"

Pause

aɡ'madəkʰ wəza wɔkʰ maɪ'dakʰ sə maɪ jax sə fɾətʰ xi pʰuwl tʰakʰ'man am se kʰəkʰ suɾ baha fəɾkʰɪn da paɪ mɔ'baɪn
I loosened a sheet of ice with ma foot. I grabbed it and threw it at the wolves.

a'mɔndɔ pɾeʃ xɔlɪ dijonɔ ʃəxs swɔphɔl dɪjonɔ tswa pʰɔlɔ az du pʰuwətʰ teɪ dɪga mo'kʰaɾs 'kʰulətʰ bas tʃəɾs tʰaɾkʰɔɾ tʃas wɔ kʰa'dum 'ɔmadum xɔnum
They became frightened and opened a way for me. I fled towards home. I ran and I arrived at home.

Pause

xub saɾpʰɔɾas zɔmzɔm nɔkʰum pʰaɾ aʊlim qʰaɾim
The children came out of the house, but I was speechless because of fear.

evɾu tʃis ɡapʰ tʃis awuɾ qʰɔɪo faɡulɔ aʊ'we duq
They asked: "What happened? What happened?" I said: "I was afraid of the wolves."

3. Sanglechi stories (Dashte Rubāt)

Chasing out the Wolf

'wuwɔmɕɪ xu'da ɾe aŋɡɾe'ɡalɪ wuɣ'da mɔe wam ba'tʃɔɪ awuɾ'dan.
In the old days I went to the mill with someone and they brought tea for me.

'amba 'wuɾdawɔn ɣe tʃɔɪ xɔɾo'be am'tʃɔɪ tʃɪ ʃʊma kʰɔɾ dɔ'ɾe e am'tse. tsja'kʰe xɔɾ ɡuɾ fɾɔts pfɾɔts sʊ.
He said: "What is this: a wolf and a donkey in one place?"

'ɔnɪslaʊ 'kʰote kʰaʊ wəɾɡ.
We looked, it was a wolf.

Pause

'smɔdətʰ 'taʊnuʃ sɪa man ande'wɔle ma 'tʃʊnɪdan no'dut tʰaɣiɾ kʰokʰe na'xutʰ du'wustʰ.
Then I dipped bred in the tea and threw it at the wolf.

Pause

'beʃlaqʰa so wəɾɡ a wəɾɡ 'xudɾa muɕa'xam wa'du na'faɾa ma pai'sa ɡeʃ'qʰɔɾ kʰo'əna 'xele dʒaʊ lɔnuʒ'tsɪ nuɣ'da.
When I hit the wolf with the bread it ran away. We threw stones at the wolf and it jumped into a field.

Pause

'axtsedaɣ maxu'da ɣikʰ mɔ'lu wɔtʃin'jɔ pə'nitʰ.
We went back into the mill. The other man had lost his bowl after throwing it at the wolf.

ham 'hɔlɔwa tʃin'jɔ pə'nitʰ 'ewɔ a'lɔ 'detʰe aʊwuɾ'dakʰ.
I told him: "You threw your bowl a the wolf." He said: "No!" I said: "Yes!"

Pause

'hakʰina as'mɔne suɾ psa 'ʃamo wəɾɡ tʃa dedi'dɔ kʰo ptʃuni'dakʰ.
Then we went to where the wolves had been hit.

a 'wəɾɡə kʰo 'dido ptʃi'ni.
We saw his bowl there.

Pause

'hamaɪ 'xele tʃaʊ laʊ 'tsina wəɾɡ tʃəsə wɔ qʰeʃ'lɔq weə.
The wolf came to the village.

bə qʰeʃ'lɔq 'qʰəwu wə bə tʃədə no pʰa'daɾa kʰom kʰu xoɣə xab 'kʰunə lɔs.
He got one of the sheep from the farm. He took it and ate it.

Shooting the Leopard

ma'ɾis woe ba ma 'xandem in'du kʰi'mɔ.
I was ill, lying in the house.

'wundʒɔ 'aɡa wɔn 'niʒdu dekʰ'dan 'ləvə wo 'muʒɡəɣa wu me'ʒaʒ.
I was very ill. I made three beds.

'fatə me'za 'vədəkʰ wɔ kʰa'ləmə wɔ'zundə wə'lɔʒɪkʰ.
A head poked through the hole in the ceiling.

Pause

'waxte ma'ʒoi 'ɖajo və'zema 'ləkʰəma ʒoi la'ʒin. 'fidəɾɪn kʰokʰo'tʰokʰ 'wudəɾin ta. 'xotʰun 'kʰotʰun nəʒd'nəkʰə mə 'nəʒən ʒaxam'ba ʂuɣm.
I thought to myself: "What wild animal is that? Is it a wolf?" I went outside to the well.

Pause

xatʰ 'kʰase kʰam pʰlaŋkᵏ. 'pʰɔle 'ʃəɡda kʰəm nə'ʃəd.
I saw it was a leopard. He had gone into a basket.

xe'detʰai 'bɔla 'wɔna mas'fəɾ 'amə ʃax tʰə'ɡam kʰas ʃfta'ɾon.
The leopard jumped out of the basket into the street.

'hamən 'vɾuda mɔn 'ɡaɣos 'vɾɔda 'vəda və'ɣasen ʃə'kʰam moskʰ 'ʃawa wə 'xaɣɔ.
My brother raised his voice: "This is a leopard! It will eat me up now!"

Pause

pʰe'laŋ tse'moda kʰə'ɾat maɡɾeɡa'li ks'kʰudakʰ wɔ'kəskəwi ʃə'ɣɔ ma detʃapʰe'la tʃde moi kʰu'tʃadakʰ 'xada 'ɣolma tsexɔ'wiʃ.
When the leopard jumped into the street, a dog was standing in its way. The leopard struck the dog. The dog ran off and the leopard went down to the village.

Pause

'nodum wa'moltʰe 'ɣɔzəm tskʰe skə'woɡ maɣ'min ded ma'lem sket deɡ'aɾ maɣ'min de ma'ɾɪŋɡe da 'kʰoitʰukʰ. '
I fired twice, the second time at the leopard's leg. It was night time. I was anxious through the night to know what had happened.

xelakʰe ma u'lanuʂte fa'ɾaʂk ma'lem nə'ʂin. ba pʰe'ɡa 'xutkʰetʰukʰu ma'ɾeŋɡe dakʰ.
I got up in the morning and I saw that the bullet had hit the leopard's leg.


[1] The Great Game is a British term for what was seen by the British to be a strategic rivalry and conflict between the British Empire and the Russian Empire for supremacy in Central Asia. The classic Great Game period is generally regarded as running approximately from the Russo-Persian Treaty of 1813 to the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907. Following the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 a second, less intensive phase followed.

The term "The Great Game" is usually attributed to Arthur Conolly, an intelligence officer of the British East India Company's Sixth Bengal Light Cavalry. It was introduced into mainstream consciousness by British novelist Rudyard Kipling in his novel Kim (1901). (Wikipedia 2008)

[2] In linguistic publication Pamiri is not considered as one language, rather the Pamir languages as a group of related languages; they are spoken in some parts of Badakhshan (2.3 Language Classification).

[3] Zebāki is extinct (see 2.3 Previous Research regarding Ishkashimi-Sanglechi).

[4] The Interagency Language Roundtable (ILR) scale is a set of descriptions of abilities to communicate in a language. It was originally developed by the United States Foreign Service Institute, the predecessor of the National Foreign Affairs Training Center. Thus it is also often called Foreign Service Levels. See Appendix E for the description of the levels.

[5] Whenever the total is 26 (for Ishkashim) or 27 (for Sanglech) the information stems from the sociolinguistic questionnaire. When the total is 4 (for Ishkashim) or 3 (for Sanglech) the information stems from the village elder questionnaire.

[6] Grimes (1986)

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