Number of PNG combinations
|
|
No agreement
|
2-3
|
4
|
5
|
6
|
7 or more
|
Total
|
NSLs
|
73
|
5
|
9
|
20
|
84
|
171
|
362
|
Partial NSLs
|
5
|
2
|
0
|
1
|
2
|
2
|
12
|
Non-NSLs
|
19
|
4
|
2
|
2
|
1
|
1
|
29
|
Total
|
97
|
11
|
11
|
23
|
87
|
174
|
403
|
Table 2. Number of NSLs, partial NSLs, and non-NSLs
Number of PNG combinations
|
|
No agreement
|
2-3
|
4
|
5
|
6
|
7 or more
|
Total
|
Africa
|
3
|
0
|
1
|
3
|
15
|
34
|
56
|
Eurasia
|
34
|
2
|
1
|
5
|
26
|
27
|
95
|
Papunesia
|
17
|
1
|
3
|
3
|
10
|
33
|
67
|
Australia
|
11
|
1
|
1
|
0
|
2
|
22
|
37
|
North America
|
3
|
0
|
1
|
5
|
19
|
28
|
56
|
South America
|
5
|
1
|
2
|
4
|
12
|
27
|
51
|
Total
|
73
|
5
|
9
|
20
|
84
|
171
|
362
|
Table
3. Number of NSLs, broken up by area
Number of PNG combinations
|
|
No agreement
|
2-3
|
4
|
5
|
6
|
7 or more
|
Total
|
Africa
|
2
|
0
|
1
|
2
|
9
|
15
|
29
|
Eurasia
|
14
|
2
|
1
|
3
|
12
|
12
|
44
|
Papunesia
|
8
|
1
|
2
|
3
|
5
|
13
|
32
|
Australia
|
2
|
1
|
1
|
0
|
2
|
18
|
24
|
North America
|
3
|
0
|
1
|
5
|
14
|
21
|
44
|
South America
|
5
|
1
|
2
|
4
|
11
|
21
|
44
|
Total
|
34
|
5
|
8
|
17
|
53
|
100
|
217
|
Table 4. Number of families with NSLs, broken up by area
Creissels (2005:50) warns that the morphemes termed
“subject pronouns” in descriptions of African languages are mostly not really
separate words and should be reanalyzed as dependent forms. Following this,
African non-NSLs without subject agreement on the verb would actually be NSLs
with subject agreement on the verb. Nonetheless, languages with seven or more
PNG combinations would still remain, among languages with subject agreement on
the verb, the most widespread geographically and genealogically. There are 13 African
languages among the 19 non-NSLs without subject agreement on the verb. Among
these African languages, the “subject pronouns” distinguish seven or more PNG
combinations in six languages, six combinations in six languages, and five
combinations in one language. In this case, in Africa there would be in total
four NSLs with five PNG combinations, 21 NSLs with six combinations, and 40
NSLs with seven or more combinations. Moreover, the number of families would be
two for NSLs with five combinations, ten for NSLs with six combinations, and 17
for NSLs with seven or more combinations.
3.2 Results in
detail
This
subsection aims at explaining in more detail the quantitative results in the
previous subsection. I will first present the languages without subject
agreement on the verb and continue, in increasing order of PNG combinations, to
languages that have seven or more combinations.
The
majority (13 languages) of the 19 non-NSLs without subject agreement are
African languages. Among these, the majority (9 languages) are Atlantic-Congo
languages. In Eurasia, there are four non-NSLs without subject agreement on the
verb: Ingush, a Nakh-Daghestanian language from the
Caucasus (Nichols 2011), Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish. In Papunesia,
there are two non-NSLs without subject agreement on the verb: Abun, a language isolate of Indonesia (Berry and Berry
1999), and Amis, an Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan (Wu 2006, Chen
2008). Among the five partial NSLs without subject agreement on the verb, there
are three African languages of the Atlantic-Congo family: Noon (Soukka 2000), Dii (Bohnhoff
2010), and Yoruba (Timothy Adeyemi Akanbi, personal
communication). These three languages allow null subjects only in the third
person. The other two partial NSLs without subject agreement on the verb are:
Zuni, a language isolate of the USA (Nichols 1997, Newman 1965) that allows
null subjects only in the third person, and Yawanawá,
a Pano-Tacanan language of Brazil (Paula 2004) that
allows only third-person singular null subjects.
The
three African NSLs without subject agreement on the verb are Ts’ixa (Fehn 2014) and Khwe (Kilian-Hatz 2008), two Khoe-Kwadi languages of Botsawana,
and Xun, a Kxa language
spoken in Namibia (Heine and König 2015). Among the 34 Eurasian NSLs without
subject agreement on the verb, the majority (26 languages) are spoken in East
or Southeast Asia. The other cases are found in the Indian subcontinent (seven
languages) and in the Caucasus, where the Nakh-Daghestanian
language Lezgian (Haspelmath
1993) is spoken. Moreover, there is a considerable number (14 languages) of
Sino-Tibetan languages among these Eurasian NSLs. Among the 17 NSLs of Papunesia without subject agreement on the verb, the
majority (10 languages) are Austronesian languages. The 11 NSLs without subject
agreement on the verb of Australia are all Pama-Nyungan languages, except the Tangkic language Kayardild (Evans
1995). The three NSLs without subject agreement on the verb of North America
are all spoken in the USA: the Yuki-Wappo language Wappo (Thompson et al.
2006), the Uto-Aztecan language Northern Paiute (Thornes 2003), and the Yokutsan language Yowlumne
(Weigel 2005). The NSLs without subject agreement on the verb of South America
are Epena Pedee, a Chocoan language of Colombia (Harms 1994), Sanuma, a Yanomamic language of
Brazil (Borgman 1990), Iskonawa,
a Pano-Tacanan language of Peru (Zariquiey
2015), Hup, a Nadahup language of Brazil (Epps 2008),
and Qawasqar, a Kawesqar
language of Chile (Aguilera 2001, Clairis 1985).
The
non-NSLs with two to three PNG combinations are Mbodomo,
an Atlantic-Congo language spoken in Cameroon, Koiari,
a Koiarian language spoken in Papua New Guinea, Dutch, and
English. Mbodomo marks, in the simple past and past
perfect, first and second person as high tone on the verb, while the third
person is marked as low tone on the verb. There is no number distinction (Boyd
1997:95). Koiari marks, in the perfect conjugation,
the first- and third-person singular with the suffix -nu and all the remaining person and number combinations with -nua. The
imperfect conjugation makes the same paradigmatic distinctions (Dutton
1996:23). Dutch present tense suffixes mark the first-person singular with
zero, the second- and third-person singular with -t and the three persons in the plural with -en (De Schutter
1994:455-456).
The
partial NSLs with two to three combinations are Trumai,
a language isolate spoken in Brazil, and Igbo, an Atlantic-Congo language
spoken in Nigeria. Trumai allows only third- person
null subjects (Raquel Guirardello, personal
communication) and marks the third-person with the
enclitics -n/-e, while the other person and number combinations are unmarked.
Number is expressed by independent words: wan
(plural) and a (dual). (Guirardello 1999:55, 95). In Igbo, null subjects are
allowed only in the second- and third-person singular (Ogbonna Anyanwu,
personal communication). The second-person singular is marked with the clitic i- and the
third-person singular with the clitic o-;
the other person and number combinations are unmarked (Anyanwu 2012:377).
The
NSLs with two to three PNG combinations are the following. Siona,
a Tucanoan language spoken in Ecuador, marks the
third-person singular feminine of the present tense with the suffix -ko, third-person singular masculine with
-hi, and the other combinations by -jɨ (Bruil 2014:178). Bunan, a
Sino-Tibetan language spoken in India, makes a distinction between first-person
and non-first person agreement in the past and future
tenses. In the past tense, first person singular is marked with -kidza, first
person-plural with -kitsha,
and the other combinations are unmarked (Widmer 2014:562). In the future tense,
non-first person singular is marked with -kaniː, non-first-person plural by -khak,
and the first-person is unmarked (Widmer 2014:569). Jarawa, a Jarawa-Onge
language spoken in the Andaman Islands, distinguishes the three persons, but
there is no number distinction. First person is marked with the prefix m-, second person with ŋ-, and third person with h- (Kumar 2012:81). Thao, an
Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan, marks the first-person singular actor
with the suffix -k, the second
person-singular with -nu, and the
other combinations are unmarked. The nominative clitics also have the same PNG
distinctions (Wang 2004:189). Ngarla, a Pama-Nyungan
language spoken in Australia, marks the third-person dual with -pula, the third-person plural with -ya, and the other
combinations are unmarked (Westerlund 2015:64).
The
non-NSL in the database with four PNG combinations are Anejom,
an Austronesian language of Vanuatu, and German. In the nineteenth century, the
subject/tense markers of Anejom had a rich agreement
system including a dual/trial distinction in the three persons and clusivity. Lynch (2000:92-95) shows that this system is
undergoing considerable impoverishment and hypothesizes that the language is
developing a four-way paradigm in the aorist: first person-singular is marked
with ek,
second-person singular with na, third-person singular with et, and all persons in the plural by era. As shown by the present tense conjugation of the verb legen ‘lay’ in
(5), German has syncretism between the third-person singular and second-person
plural, as well as between the first- and third-person plural. The past
suffixes have a slightly different paradigmatic distinction, but the number of
PNG combinations is the same. The sample in this study contains no partial NSL
with four combinations.
(5)
|
German
|
|
(6)
|
Aghu (van den Heuvel
2016:37)
|
|
|
sg
|
pl
|
|
|
1sg
|
dade
|
|
1
|
lege
|
legen
|
|
|
n1sg
|
dā
|
|
2
|
legest
|
leget
|
|
|
1pl
|
dadoã
|
|
3
|
leget
|
legen
|
|
|
n1pl
|
dakenã
|
The
NSLs with four combinations are the following. Aghu,
a Nuclear Trans New Guinea language spoken in Indonesia, makes a distinction
between first person and non-first person, both in the singular and plural, as
shown by the conjugation of the verb da(k)
‘hear’ in (6). Awa Pit, a Barbacoan language spoken
in Colombia (Curnow 1997:181-186, 190), and Wambon
(de Vries and de Vries-Wiersma 1992:23) make the same paradigmatic distinctions
as Aghu. Nez Perce, a Sahaptian
language spoken in the USA, marks the third person with hi-, while the first and second person are marked with zero.
Singular and plural number are distinguished by suffixes (Rude 1985:33-35). Canela-Krahô, a Nuclear-Macro-Je language spoken in Brazil,
marks the first-person exclusive with the prefix i-, the first-person inclusive
with pa-, the second-person
with a-, and the third-person with ih-. These
prefixes are pluralized by the independent form me (Popjes and Popjes
1986:175). The non-past endings of Darma, a
Sino-Tibetan language spoken in India, have syncretism between the second-person
singular and first-person plural, and there is no number distinction in the
third person, as shown in (7). The subject suffixes of Kunuz
Nubian, a Nubian language spoken in Sudan, have syncretism between the second-
and third-person singular, as well as between the first- and second-person
plural, as shown in (8). The subject agreement markers of Kokota,
an Austronesian language spoken in the Solomon Islands, mark the first-person
exclusive with a, the first-person
inclusive with da, the second person
with o, and the third person with e. There is no number distinction
(Palmer 2009:173). The subject clitics of Nhanda, a
Pama-Nyungan language spoken in Australia, distinguish the first-person
singular with -wa,
the second person singular with -wana, the first-person plural with -nyja, and the other PNG
combinations are unmarked (Blevins 2001:84).
(7)
|
Darma (Willis
2007:353)
|
|
(8)
|
Kunuz Nubian
(Abdel-Hafiz 1988:148)
|
|
|
sg
|
pl
|
|
|
|
sg
|
pl
|
|
1
|
-di
|
-dɛn
|
|
|
1
|
-i
|
-u
|
|
2
|
-dɛn
|
-dɛni
|
|
|
2
|
-Ø
|
-u
|
|
3
|
|
-da
|
|
|
3
|
-Ø
|
-a
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
The
two non-NSLs with five combinations are Icelandic and French. Icelandic is
exemplified in (9) by the conjugation of the verb telja ‘believe’. In this case,
there is syncretism between the second- and third-person singular. The preterite tense of French has the same paradigmatic
distinctions (Batchelor and Chebli-Saadi 2011:247).
The only partial NSL with five combinations is Irish, which allows null
subjects only in non-syncretic verb forms (Mac Congáil
2004:117). The past habitual tense of Irish has syncretism between the
third-person singular and second-person plural, as illustrated in (10) by the
conjugation of the verb cuir
‘put’.
(9)
|
Icelandic (Thráinsson 1994:159)
|
|
(10)
|
Irish (Mac Congáil 2004:128)
|
|
sg
|
pl
|
|
|
|
|
sg
|
pl
|
|
1
|
tel
|
teljum
|
|
|
1
|
chuirinn
|
chuirimis
|
|
2
|
telur
|
teljið
|
|
|
2
|
chuiteá
|
chuireadh
|
|
3
|
telur
|
telja
|
|
|
3
|
chuireadh
|
chuiridís
|
Among
the 20 NSLs with five PNG combinations, the most frequent pattern (seen in 11
languages) distinguishes the singular and plural in the first and second
person, without number distinction in the third person. This pattern is
illustrated in (11) by the subject affixes of Choctaw, a Muskogean language of
the USA. The only non-NSL with six combinations is Wutung,
a Sko language of Papua New Guinea, which is
exemplified in (12) by the conjugation of the verb ha ‘go’. There is syncretism between the first-person singular and
second-person plural, and no syncretism between the other PNG combinations.
(11)
|
Choctaw
(Broadwell 2006:137)
|
|
(12)
|
Wutung (Marmion
2010:300)
|
|
|
sg
|
pl
|
|
|
1sg
|
ha
|
|
1
|
-li
|
il-
|
|
|
2sg
|
hma
|
|
2
|
ish-
|
hash-
|
|
|
3sg.m
|
qa
|
|
3
|
Ø
|
|
|
3sg.f
|
hwang
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1pl
|
hna
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2pl
|
ha
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
3pl
|
hnya
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
The
partial NSLs with six combinations are Kenga, a
Central-Sudanic language spoken in Chad, and Finnish. Kenga
is exemplified in (13) by the conjugation of the verb àkā ‘see’ in the
aorist. This conjugation has no number distinction in the third person, while
the other person and number combinations do not display any syncretism. Finnish
(Karlsson 1999:61) distinguishes the same PNG combinations as Spanish in (1),
that is, the three persons in the singular and plural. Both Kenga
(Vandame 1968:35) and Finnish (Karlsson 1999:62)
allow null subjects in the first and second, but not in the third person. Among
the 84 NSLs in the sample with six PNG combinations, the vast majority (65
languages) have the combinations shown by Spanish in (1).
(13)
|
Kenga (Vandame 1968:35)
|
|
1sg
|
m-ákà
|
|
2sg
|
ákà
|
|
3sg
|
àkā
|
|
1pl.excl
|
j-àkā
|
|
1pl.incl
|
j-àk-kī
|
|
2pl
|
ák-kī
|
|
3pl
|
àkā
|
Evenki,
a Tungusic language spoken in Russia, is the only
non-NSLs in the sample with seven or more PNG combinations. Evenki elaborates
the Spanish-type pattern with the addition of an inclusive/exclusive contrast,
as seen in (14) by the present conjugation of the verb baka- ‘find’. The partial NSLs
with seven or more combinations are Mekens, a Tupian
language spoken in Brazil, and Modern Hebrew. In Mekens,
intransitive subjects can be omitted, while transitive subjects can be omitted
only in the third-person singular (Galucio 2001:78,
80). Mekens makes the same person and number
distinctions as Evenki in example (14). According to Glinert
(1989:53), Modern Hebrew allows null subjects in the past and future tenses,
but in the present tense null subjects are allowed only in the third person.
The past tense conjugation of the verb saper ‘tell’ in (15) elaborates the Spanish-type pattern
with the addition of masculine/feminine gender in the second- and third-person
singular and in the second-person plural.
(14)
|
Evenki (Nedjalkov 1997:259)
|
|
(15)
|
Modern Hebrew
(Berman 1997:318)
|
|
1sg
|
bakad'am
|
|
|
1sg
|
sipárti
|
|
2sg
|
bakad'anni
|
|
|
2sg.m
|
sipárta
|
|
3sg
|
bakad'aran
|
|
|
2sg.f
|
sipárt
|
|
1pl.excl
|
bakad'arav
|
|
|
3 sg.m
|
siper
|
|
1pl.incl
|
bakad'arap
|
|
|
3 sg.f
|
sipra
|
|
2pl
|
bakad'aras
|
|
|
1 pl
|
sipárnu
|
|
3pl
|
bakad'ara
|
|
|
2 pl.m
|
sipartem
|
|
|
|
|
|
2 pl.f
|
siparten
|
|
|
|
|
|
3 pl
|
sipru
|
Unlike
among the NSLs with five and six PNG combinations, there is no specific pattern
that is considerably frequent among the 171 NSLs with seven or more
combinations. The most frequent pattern (seen in 25 languages) has the same
seven distinctions as the Evenki example in (14).
4. Conclusion
In
this paper, I examined the correlation between agreement richness and the
occurrence of null subjects based on a sample of 403 languages. Agreement
richness was measured according to the number of PNG combinations encoded by
subject agreement on the verb. It was found that, among languages with subject
agreement on the verb, NSLs with seven or more combinations are the most
widespread geographically and genealogically. NSLs without subject agreement on
the verb are more widespread than NSLs with seven or more combinations only in
Eurasia. The findings confirm the generally assumed view that languages with
rich subject agreement on the verb tend to allow null subjects, since such
languages are well spread geographically and genealogically.
A
possible explanation for this tendency is economy, which is a propensity to
economize time and effort in the expression and interpretation of
constructions. The relationship between null subjects and agreement richness
investigated here is an example of the principle of economy working on
language: in order to prevent the use of an overt subject or the reliance on
contextual information, languages tend to encode clear information on the PNG
of the subject through subject agreement on the verb.
However,
languages are not always economical. As seen previously, Evenki has unambiguous
information on the person and number of the subject and nevertheless requires
overt subjects. Moreover, rich agreement systems might become poorer sometimes
(Siewierska 2004:277-281). In fact, when
languages without subject agreement on the verb are considered, NSLs with seven
or more combinations are not the most geographically and genealogically
widespread, as the results showed. Therefore, another explanation that must be
taken into account is the specific histories of each family.
Since
this is a large-scale cross-linguistic study, some distinctions could not be
easily made. For example, there might be more partial NSLs than it were found, as the authors of reference grammars sometimes
do not pay due attention to null subject phenomena. Another distinction that
could not be addressed here is that some NSLs are more likely to omit the
subject than others (Cole 2010, Posio 2012). Future
research might deal with these distinctions among genealogically and areally diverse languages.
Appendix
The
following is a list of the 403 languages in the sample. The languages are
divided into the six areas proposed by Hammarström
and Donohue (2014) and the families according to Hammarström
et al. (2018) are given in parentheses.
AFRICA:
Amharic, Egyptian Arabic, Tamazight, Tamashek, Hausa, Somali, Oromo, Lele, Iraqw, Coptic
(Afro-Asiatic); Godié, Kisi, Wolof, Dii, Yoruba, Eleme, Oko, Kar, Fyem, Zulu, Cicipu, Igbo, Kujireray, Temne, Degema, Oshindonga,
Mbodomo, Mbalanhu, Koromfe, Chichewa, Babungo, Balanta, Gbaya, Ewe, Dagaare, Noon, Northern Sotho, Shona, Sango, Lucazi, Eton, Swahili, Nzadi,
Gola (Atlantic-Congo); Dholuo, Lango,
Turkana, Anywa (Nilotic); Chabu,
Kunama, Laal, Sandawe, Siamou
(Isolates); Lumun (Narrow Talodi);
Deiga (Kadugli-Krongo); Fur
(Furan); Haro (Ta-Ne-Omotic); Hoa,
Xun (Kxa); Ik (Kuliak); Jamsay
(Dogon); Kabba, Kenga, Mbay (Central Sudanic); Kanuri (Saharan); Koyra Chiini, Tadaksahak
(Songhay); Maba (Maban);
Mano, Zialo (Mande); Murle
(Surmic); Ts'ixa, Khwe (Khoe-Kwadi); Kunuz Nubian (Nubian); Tira (Heibanic).
EURASIA:
Abkhaz, Kabardian (Abkhaz-Adyge); Kham, Sunwar, Bunan, Ersu, Mishmi, Burmese, Hkongso, Dhimal, Darma, Tangam, Mandarin, Meithei, Dzongkha, Lepcha, Tujia, Eastern
Kayah Li, Rabha, Tibetan, Bai (Sino-Tibetan); Ainu
(Ainu); Albanian, German, Bulgarian, Pashto, Spanish, Icelandic, French,
Persian, Latin, Punjabi, Czech, Russian, Polish, Lithuanian, Irish, Sinhala,
Latvian, Urdu, Hindi, Armenian, Marathi, Dutch, Romanian, Sanskrit, Kashmiri,
Italian, Portuguese, Modern Greek, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish, English
(Indo-European); Modern Hebrew, Gulf Arabic (Afro-Asiatic); Basque, Burushaski, Kusunda, Nihali, Nivkh (Isolates); Gadaba, Malayalam, Brahui, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada
(Dravidian); Buriat, Mangghuer,
Mongolian (Mongolic); Chukchi, Itelmen (Chukotko-Kamchatkan); Hungarian, Estonian, Tundra Nenets,
Finnish, Pite Saami (Uralic); Manchu, Evenki, Udihe (Tungusic); Georgian, Svan
(Kartvelian); Great Andamanese (Great Andamanese); Ingush, Lezgian
(Nakh-Daghestanian); Jarawa (Jarawa-Onge); Western
Yugur, Turkmen, Uzbek, Kirghiz, Kazakh, Turkish, Turfan Uyghur (Turkic); Ket (Yeniseian); Mundari, Pnar, Semelai, Vietnamese, Chrau, Korku, Khmer (Austroasiatic); Japanese (Japonic);
Korean (Koreanic); Zoulei,
Lao, Thai (Tai-Kadai); Xong (Hmong-Mien); Kolyma
Yukaghir (Yukaghir).
AUSTRALIA:
Duuŋidjawu, Nhanda, Ngarla, Kalkatungu, Yanyuwa, Dyirbal, Kuuk Thaayorre, Diyari, Kuku Yalanji, Yidiɲ, Bāgandji, Wargamay, Wangurri, Warrongo, Wangkajunga, Martuthunira, Wirangu
(Pama-Nyungan); Bininj Gun-Wok, Enindhilyakwa
(Gunwinyguan); Bunuba (Bunaban); Emmi (Western Daly); Gaagudju,
Tiwi, Wagiman (Isolates); Kayardild,
Yukulta (Tangkic); Limilngan (Limilngan-Wulna); MalakMalak (Northern Daly); Mangarayi
(Mangarrayi-Maran); Mawng (Iwaidjan Proper); Nakkara (Maningrida); Ngan'gityemerri
(Southern Daly); Nyulnyul, Yawuru (Nyulnyulan); Wambaya (Mirndi); Wardaman (Yangmanic); Worrorra (Worrorran).
PAPUNESIA:
Abau, Mehek (Sepik); Abun, Bilua, Duna, Lavukaleve, Maybrat (Isolates);
Dom, Tauya, Yagaria, Aghu, Korafe, Usan,
Ma Manda, Kewapi, Fore, Lower Grand Valley Dani, Una,
Mauwake, Wambon (Nuclear
Trans New Guinea); Amanab, Imonda
(Border); Amis, Fehan Tetun,
Indonesian, Maori, Kokota, Lha'alua,
Anejom, Gayo, Cebuano,
Yapese, Rukai, Puyuma,
Paiwan, Buru, Tondano, Rapanui, Kwamera,
Tukang Besi, Tinrin, Thao, Woleaian, Chamorro, Big Nambas,
Madurese, Ida'an, Atayal, Amis, Javanese, Samoan,
Hawaiian, Niuean, Mualang, Ilocano (Austronesian); Olo, Au, Yeri (Nuclear
Torricelli); Barupu, Wutung
(Sko); Bauzi (Geelvink Bay); Daga (Dagan); Iatmul, Manambu (Ndu); Kapau (Angan);
Koiari (Koiarian); Komnzo (Morehead-Wasur); Kunimaipa (Goilalan); Teiwa, Makalero (Timor-Alor-Pantar); Motuna
(South Bougainville); Ternate (North Halmahera); Yimas
(Lower Sepik-Ramu).
NORTH
AMERICA: Laguna Keres (Keresan); Slave, Navaho, San Carlos Apache, Tlingit
(Athabaskan-Eyak-Tlingit); Arapaho, Plains Cree, Nishnaabemwin, Yurok (Algic);
Assiniboine, Lakhota, Biloxi, Tutelo
(Siouan); Cherokee, Seneca, Oneida (Iroquoian); Chimariko, Euchee, Kutenai,
Molalla, Seri, Washo, Zuni (Isolates); Choctaw
(Muskogean); Chol, Huastec, Itzaj Maya (Mayan);
Lowland Chontal (Tequistlatecan); Ineseño
Chumash (Chumashan); Cupeño, Warihio,
Northern Paiute, Classical Nahuatl, Southeastern Tepehuan,
Pipil (Uto-Aztecan); West Greenlandic, Central Alaskan Yupik (Eskimo-Aleut); Guazacapán (Xincan); Hualapai,
Maricopa (Cochimi-Yuman); San Francisco del Mar Huave (Huavean); Huehuetla Tepehua (Totonacan); Kiowa (Kiowa-Tanoan); Maidu (Maiduan); Chalcatongo Mixtec, Otomí (Otomanguean);
Yakima, Nez Perce (Sahaptian); Nuuchahnulth (Wakashan); Nxa'amxcin (Salishan); Teribe, Pech (Chibchan); Southern Pomo (Pomoan); Sierra Popoluca (Mixe-Zoque);
Wappo (Yuki-Wappo); Wichita (Caddoan); Yowlumne (Yokutsan).
SOUTH
AMERICA: Apalai, Wai Wai, Kuikuro, Tiriyó (Cariban); Ashéninka Perené, Paresi-Haliti, Warekena, Tariana
(Arawakan); Awa Pit (Barbacoan); Muylaq'
Aymara (Aymaran); Betoi, Guató,
Iatê, Kanoê, Kwaza, Movima, Muniche, Mỹky, Páez, Trumai,
Puinave, Yurakaré, Urarina (Isolates); Karajá, Canela-Krahô, Maxakalí
(Nuclear-Macro-Je); Iskonawa, Yawanawá,
Cavineña (Pano-Tacanan); Cubeo, Ecuadorian Siona (Tucanoan); Epena Pedee (Chocoan); Hup (Nadahup); Ika (Chibchan); Kamaiurá, Mundurukú, Tapiete, Mekens, Urubu-Kapoor (Tupian); Kulina
(Arawan); Mako (Jodi-Saliban);
Mamaindê (Nambiquaran); Mapuche (Araucanian); Ocaina (Huitotoan); Pilagá (Guaicuruan); Qawasqar (Kawesqar); Huallaga Quechua, Imbabura Quechua (Quechuan); Sanapaná (Lengua-Mascoy); Sanuma (Yanomamic); Tehuelche (Chonan); Wampis (Chicham); Wari (Chapacuran); Wichí (Matacoan).
References
Abdel-Hafiz,
Ahmed S. 1988. A reference grammar of Kunuz Nubian.
Ph.D. Dissertation, State University of New York at Buffalo.
Aguilera, Oscar. 2001. Gramática de la lengua
Kawésqar. Temuco: Corporación de Desarrollo
Indígena.
Anyanwu,
Ogbonna. 2012. Pronominal Subject Clitics in Igbo. Theory and Practice in Language Studies, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp.
377-388.
Batchelor,
R.E. and Chebli-Saadi, M. 2011. A Reference Grammar of French. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Berman,
Ruth A. Modern Hebrew. 1997. In Robert Hetzron (ed.) The
Semitic Languages. London: Routledge.
Berry,
Keith and Berry, Christine. 1999. A
Description of Abun: A West Papuan Language of Irian
Jaya (Pacific Linguistics, Series B, 115.) Canberra: Australian National
University.
Bisang, Walter. 2014. On
the strength of morphological paradigms: a historical account of radical
pro-drop. In Martine Robbeets and Walter Bisang (eds.). Paradigm
change: In the Transeurasian languages and beyond.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 23-60.
Blevins,
Juliette. 2001. Nhanda: an Aboriginal Language of Western
Australia. University of Hawaii Press.
Bohnhoff,
Lee Edward. 2010. A description of Dii: Phonology, grammar, and discourse. Ngaoundéré, Cameroun: Dii
Literature Team.
Borgman, Donald M. 1990. Sanuma. In Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum
(eds.), Handbook of Amazonian Languages,
15-248. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Boyd,
Virginia L. 1997. A Phonology and Grammar of Mbódɔ́mɔ́.
MA thesis, University of Texas at Arlington.
Broadwell,
George Aaron. 2006. A Choctaw Reference
Grammar. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Bruil, Martine. 2014.
Clause-typing and evidentiality in Ecuadorian Siona.
Ph.D. dissertation, Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden.
Camacho,
José. 2013. Null Subjects.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Chen,
Yi-Ting. 2008. A minimalist approach to Amis structure and complementation.
Ph.D. dissertation, Arizona State University.
Chung,
Sandra. 2003. The syntax and prosody of weak pronouns in Chamorro. Linguistic Inquiry 3, pp. 547-599.
Clairis, Christos. 1985. El Qawasqar: Lingüística Fueguina, Teoría y Descripción. (Estudios Filológicos: Anejo, 12.)
Valdivia: Universidad
Austral de Chile.
Cole, Melvyn. 2010. Thematic
null subjects and accessibility. Studia Linguistica 63(3), pp. 271-320.
Creissels, Dennis. 2005. A
typology of subject and object markers in African languages. In Erhard Voeltz (ed.) Studies
in African linguistic typology. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Curnow,
Timothy. 1997. A grammar of Awa Pit (Cuaiquier): An
indigenous language of south-western Colombia. Ph.D. dissertation, Australian
National University.
Cysouw, Michael. 2003. The paradigmatic structure of person marking.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
D’Alessandro,
Roberta. 2015. Null subjects. In: Antonio Fábregas, Jaume Mateu and Michael Putnam
(eds), Contemporary Linguistic Parameters. London: Bloomsbury Press, pp.
201-226.
De Schutter, Georges. 1994. Dutch. In Ekkehard König and Johan van der Auwera
(eds.), 439-77.
Dryer,
Matthew S. 2013. Expression of Pronominal Subjects. In: Matthew S. Dryer and Martin Haspelmath
(eds.).
Dryer,
Matthew S. and Haspelmath, Martin (eds.). 2013. The
World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for
Evolutionary Anthropology. (Available online at http://wals.info, Accessed on
2019-01-19.).
Dutton,
Tom E. 1996. Koiari.
(Languages of the World/Materials, 10.) München: Lincom.
Evans,
Nicholas D. 1995. A Grammar of Kayardild: With Historical-Comparative Notes on Tangkic. (Mouton Grammar Library, 15.) Berlin, New
York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Epps,
Patience. 2008. A Grammar of Hup.
(Mouton Grammar Library, 43.) Berlin, New York: Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Fehn, Anne-Maria.
2014. A Grammar of Ts'ixa (Kalahari Khoe). Ph.D. dissertation, Universität zu
Köln.
Gilligan,
Gary Martin. 1987. A cross-linguistic approach to the pro-drop parameter. Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Southern California.
Galucio, Ana Vilacy. 2001. The morphosyntax of Mekens
(Tupi). Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago.
Glinert, Lewis. 1989. The grammar of Modern Hebrew. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
González,
Hebe Alicia. 2005. A grammar of Tapiete
(Tupi-Guarani). Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pittsburgh.
Guirardello, Raquel . 1999. A reference grammar of Trumai.
Ph.D. dissertation, Houston: Rice University.
Hammarström, Harald and
Forkel, Robert and Haspelmath, Martin. 2018. Glottolog 3.3. Jena: Max Planck Institute for the Science
of Human History. (Available online at http://glottolog.org, Accessed on
2019-01-19.)
Hammarström, Harald and
Donohue, Mark. 2014. Some principles on the use of macro-areas in typological
comparison. Language Dynamics and Change
4.1: 167-187.
Harms,
Philip L. 1994. Epena Pedee Syntax.
(Summer Institute of Linguistics: Publications in Linguistics, 118.) Dallas:
The Summer Institute of Linguistics and the University of Texas at Arlington.
Haspelmath, Martin. 1993. A Grammar of Lezgian.
Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Heine,
Bernd and König, Christa. 2015. The !Xun Language: A Dialect Grammar of Northern Khoisan. Cologne: Köppe.
van
den Heuvel, Wilco. 2016. Aghu: Annotated Texts with Grammatical
Introduction and Vocabulary Lists. (Asia-Pacific Linguistics, 33.)
Canberra: Australian National University.
Holmberg,
Anders and Nayudu, Aarti and Sheehan, Michelle. 2009.
Three partial null-subject languages: a comparison of Brazilian Portuguese,
Finnish and Marathi. Studia Linguistica 63.1: 59-97.
Ingram,
David. 1978. Typology and universals of personal pronouns. In Joseph H.
Greenberg (ed.), Universals of human
language, vol. iii: Word Structure: 213-248. Stanford: Stanford University
Press.
Jaeggli, Osvaldo, and
Kenneth J. Safir. 1989. The null subject parameter
and parametric theory. In Osvaldo Jaeggli and Kenneth
J. Safir (eds.), The
null subject parameter. Springer, Dordrecht. 1-44.
Karlsson,
Fred. 1999. Finnish: An Essential Grammar.
London: Routledge.
Kilian-Hatz, Christa. 2008. A
Grammar of Modern Khwe (Central Khoisan). Köln: Köppe.
König,
Ekkehard and Johan van der Auwera (eds.). 1994. The Germanic Languages. London:
Routledge.
Kumar,
Pramod. 2012. Descriptive and typological study of Jarawa. Ph.D. dissertation,
New Delhi: Jawaharlal Nehru University.
Lynch,
John. 2000. A Grammar of Anejom. (Pacific Linguistics, 507.) Pacific
Linguistics. Canberra: Canberra: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies,
Australian National University.
Mac Congáil, Nollaig. 2004. Irish grammar book. Indreabhán: Cló Iar-Chonnachta.
Maddieson, Ian. 2013a.
“Consonant Inventories”. In Matthew S. Dryer and Martin Haspelmath,
(eds.).
Maddieson, Ian. 2013b.
“Vowel Quality Inventories”. In Matthew S. Dryer and Martin Haspelmath,
(eds.).
Marmion,
Douglas E. 2010. Topics in the phonology and morphology of Wutung.
Ph.D. dissertation, Australian National University.
Modesto,
Marcello. Topic prominence and null subjects. 2008. In Theresa Biberauer (ed.). The
Limits of Syntactic Variation. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Müller,
Gereon. 2006. Pro-drop and impoverishment. In: Form,
structure, and grammar. A festschrift presented to Günther Grewendorf
on occasion of his 60th birthday, 93-115.
Nedjalkov, Igor. 1997. Evenki. London: Routledge.
Neeleman, Ad and Szendrői, Kriszta. 2007. Radical
pro drop and the morphology of pronouns. Linguistic
Inquiry 38.4:671-714.
Newman,
Stanley. 1965. Zuni Grammar.
(University of New Mexico Publications in Anthropology, 14.) Albuquerque: The
University of New Mexico Press.
Nichols,
Lynn. 1997. Topics in Zuni Syntax. Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University.
Nichols,
Johanna. 2011. Ingush Grammar.
University of California Press.
Olsen,
Neil H. 2014. A descriptive grammar of Koho-Sre: A
Mon-Khmer Language. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Utah.
Palmer,
Bill. 2009. Kokota Grammar. (Oceanic Linguistics Special
Publication, 35.) Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Paula, Aldir Santos de. 2004. A língua dos índios Yawanawá do Acre. Ph.D. dissertation,
Universidade Estadual de Campinas.
Popjes, Jack and Popjes, Jo. 1986. Canela-Krahô.
In Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum. Handbook of Amazonian Languages, vol. I. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Posio, Pekka. 2012. Pronominal subjects in European Portuguese and
Peninsular Spanish. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Helsinki.
Roberts,
Ian and and Holmberg, Anders. 2010. Introduction:
parameters in minimalist theory. In: Biberauer,
Theresa, Holmberg, Anders, Roberts, Ian, and Sheehan, Michelle. Parametric
Variation: Null Subjects in Minimalist Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, pp. 1-57.
Rude,
Noel E. 1985. Studies in Nez Perce grammar and discourse. Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Oregon.
Siewierska, Anna. 2004. Person. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Soukka, Maria. 2000. A Descriptive Grammar of Noon: A Cangin Language of Senegal. München: Lincom.
Speas, Margaret.
Economy, agreement, and the representation of null arguments. 2006. In Peter Ackema and Patrick Brandt and Maaike
Schoorlemmer and Fred Weerman
(eds.). Arguments and agreement.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Thompson, Sandra A. and Park, Joseph
Sung-Yul and Li, Charles N. 2006. A
Reference Grammar of Wappo. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of
California Press.
Thornes, Timothy Jon. 2003. A Northern
Paiute Grammar and Texts. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Oregon.
Thráinsson, Höskuldur. 1994. Icelandic. In Ekkehard König and Johan van
der Auwera (eds.), 142-189.
Vandame, Charles. 1968. Grammaire Kenga. (Études Linguistiques,
2.) Paris: Afrique et Language.
de Vries, Lourens and de Vries-Wiersma, Robinia. 1992. The
Morphology of Wambon of the Irian Jaya Upper-Digul
Area. Leiden: The KITLV Press.
Wang,
Shan-Shan. 2004. An ergative view of Thao syntax. Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Hawaii at Manoa.
Weigel,
William Frederick. 2005. Yowlumne in the twentieth
century. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Berkeley.
Westerlund, Torbjörn. 2015. A
Grammatical Sketch of Ngarla (Ngayarta,
Pama-Nyungan). Canberra: Asia-Pacific Linguistics.
Widmer,
Manuel. 2014. A descriptive grammar of Bunan. Ph.D.
dissertation, Universität Bern.
Willis,
Christina M. 2007. A descriptive grammar of Darma: an
endangered Tibeto-Burman language. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Texas at
Austin.
Wu,
Jing-lan Joy. 2006. Verb classification, case
marking, and grammatical relations in Amis. Ph.D. dissertation, State
University of New York at Buffalo.
Zariquiey, Roberto. 2015. Bosquejo
gramatical de la lengua iskonawa. Lima / Boston: Latinoamericana
Editores / CELACP / Revista de Crítica Literaria Latinoa