Volume 11 Issue 1 (2013)
DOI:10.1349/PS1.1537-0852.A.437
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The Optional Use of Morphological CaseSander Lestrade Radboud University of Nijmegen
University of Amsterdam
This paper provides a unified account of construction alternations in which case markers are involved, extending the traditional focus on the differential use of core case markers (DCM). Using an Optimality Theoretic framework, it is argued that the optional use of morphological case can be explained by the interaction of an economy and cooperativeness principle.
1.
IntroductionDifferential case marking (DCM) has mostly been studied for
core cases, which mark the core arguments of a verb, i.e. the subject and
object[1]. As a result of this focus, DCM has accordingly been explained in terms
of the communication of core argument structure only. For example, it has been
proposed that case is used to keep apart the subject from the object, or to
identify an unqualified performer of one of these functions (e.g., an
involuntary agent). As will be shown in this paper, however, this type of DCM is
only one instance of what seems to be a much more general phenomenon of case
optionality for which a more general account can be provided. Using an Optimality Theoretic framework, it will be proposed that the
optional use of morphological case can be explained by the interaction of two
well-known pragmatic principles only, namely economy and cooperativeness. The
speaker tries to use the most economical expression from which the willing
hearer can still be expected to derive the intended meaning by enriching the
utterance with predictable information. 2. Variation in Case
AlternationIn this section, a range of examples illustrating the
optional use of case will be introduced. These examples will be discussed in
more detail in later sections devoted to them specifically. For now, the purpose
is to bring them together as instances of a more general phenomenon indeed (cf.
Moravcsik 2009 for a similar overview; differently from her study, however, this
paper will continue to provide a uniform account of the attested
variation). First consider some often cited examples of the optional use of core
case. For Fore, it has been claimed that the use of ergative case on an agent is
only necessary if without it word order and animacy hierarchies lead to the
wrong interpretation. By default, the argument that is highest in animacy is
interpreted as the subject; in case of a draw, the one who comes first is
(Scott, 1978, 114-116). Thus, in (1) without the explicit marking of the
opposite, the man is understood as acting on the pig. Fore (Scott, 1978, 115-116) (1) | a. | Yaga:-wama | wá | aegúye. |
|
| pig-ERG | man | 3SG.OBJ.hit.3SG.SU.IND |
|
| ‘The pig attacks the man.’ |
| b. | Yaga: | wá | aegúye. |
|
| pig | man | 3SG.OBJ.hit.3SG.SU.IND |
|
| ‘The man kills the pig.’ |
As another well-known example of the optional use of core
case consider the alternation in Hindi, in (2). Here, the general claim is that
since objects are mostly nonspecific, they have to be marked explicitly for
their role if they are not: Hindi (de Hoop and Malchukov, 2008,576) (2) | a. | Wo | ek | laD.kaa | dekhtaa | hae |
|
| he | one | boy | seeing | is |
|
| ‘He sees a boy.’ |
| b. | Wo | ek | laD.ke-ko | dekhtaa | hae |
|
| he | one | boy-ACC | seeing | is |
|
| ‘He sees the boy.’ |
As a result of the focus on examples such as these, in which
case is used to mark core arguments, DCM has been explained in terms of the
communication of verbal argument structure only. However, core case alternations
are only one instance of what seems to be a much more general phenomenon, as the
remainder of this section will show. In the next sections, it will be proposed
that a uniform account of this variation can be given indeed. As a first example of the broader range of DCM, consider the optionality
of spatial case in Bukharian Uzbek: Bukharian Uzbek (Aziz Djuraev, p.c.) (3) | Siz | bozor(-ga) | borasizmi? |
| you | market-DAT | go |
| ‘Will you go to the marketplace?’ |
If the case marked object is a typical reference object,
such as a marketplace, whose function is largely predictable from context,
spatial case may be dropped. Then, instead of alternating with a zero form as in all previous
examples, a case may be in competition with a more elaborate form of expression.
In (4), an example is given of the alternation between a spatial case form and
an adpositional phrase. Marathi (Pandharipande 1997, 340) (4) | a. | Tsor | gharā-t | s’irlā. |
|
| thief | house-LOC | entered |
|
| ‘The thief entered the house.’ |
| b. | Tsor | gharā-tSyā-āt | s’irlā. |
|
| thief | house-POSS-in | entered |
|
| ‘The thief entered the house.’ |
Also, we find alternations between different types of case.
In (5), there is a alternation between core case and spatial case (building on
an ergative stem) corresponding to a difference in volitionality. Lezgian (Haspelmath 1993, 292) (5) | a. | Zamira-di | get’e | xana. |
|
| Zamira-ERG | pot | break.AOR |
|
| ‘Zamira broke the pot.’ |
| b. | Zamira-di-waj | get’e | xana. |
|
| Zamira-ERG-ABL | pot | break.AOR |
|
| ‘Zamira broke the pot
accidentally/involuntarily.’ |
By the addition of ablative case, the Agent is marked as
performing an act involuntarily. Next, example (6) illustrates how the use of the ergative may depend on
tense and aspect. In Hindi, Ergative case is used in perfective but not in
imperfective aspect. Urdu/Hindi (Woolford 2007) (6) | a. | Ram | gari | cala-yi | (hai). |
|
| Ram.NOM | car | drive-IMPF | be.PRES |
|
| ‘Ram drives a car.’ |
| b. | Ram-ne | gari | cala-ta | (hai). |
|
| Ram-ERG | car | drive-PERF | be.PRES |
|
| ‘Ram has driven a/the car.’ |
Importantly, since neither the difference in prominence
between the subject and object nor the qualification of Ram as a driver changes
with tense or aspect, it is unlikely that this differential use of case can
straightforwardly be explained in terms of distinguishability or markedness
(which were said to play a role in (1) and (2)). Finally, example (7) shows how the use of case is sometimes even
dependent on structural position, case concord only taking place if the
adjective is separated from its head. Warlpiri (Hale 1973; cited in Blake 1994, 96) (7) | a. | Tyarntu | wiri-ngki=tyu | yarlki-rnu. |
|
| dog | big-ERG=1.SG.OBJ | bite-PAST |
|
| ‘The big dog bit me.’ |
| b. | Tyarntu-ngku=tyu | yarlki-rnu | wiri-ngki. |
|
| dog-ERG=1.SG.OBJ | bite-PAST | big-ERG |
|
| ‘The big dog bit me.’ or: ‘The dog bit me, big
(one).’ |
In the next sections, it will be proposed that a uniform
account can be given for this, what at first sight may seem rather
heterogeneous, collection of case alternations. For that, it will be necessary
first to develop a functional understanding of case, as it will be very hard to
come up with a satisfying explanation if case is exclusively understood as a
structural prerequisite of language structure. 3. Constraints on the Use and
Development of Case (and Language)Since it is impossible to capture in language all semantic
distinctions that could be made in principle, the speaker has to abstract away
from idiosyncratic properties of objects, events, and relations in virtually
each utterance. The task for the hearer, subsequently, is to recognize these
generalizations and to enrich the semantics of the utterance to arrive at an
interpretation close to the intended, particular meaning (cf. Grice, 1989;
Levinson, 1983; Haspelmath, 2007). It is proposed here that the use and
development of case should be understood in the same light. More importantly for
present purposes, the variation in case marking described in the previous
section follows naturally from the functional perspective to be sketched here
(for a more elaborate discussion, cf.
XX1). As is well-known since the work of Zipf (1965), frequency of use
correlates negatively with word length. This correlation can be explained as the
result of grammaticalization (cf. for example Lehmann, 1985; Hopper and
Traugott, 2003). In this diachronic economization process, in addition to
semantic and syntactic changes, the forms of frequently used words become
shorter and shorter. For this, two independent motivations can be hypothesized.
First, there is the production bottleneck (see Levinson, 2000a,b).
Pre-articulation processes have been shown to run faster than the articulation
process itself (Anderson, 1982; Wheeldon and Levelt, 1995, 327) and
comprehension can handle increased speech rates without any problems (Mehler et
al., 1993). Because of this bottleneck, linguistic coding is costly: It slows
down the communication process. By shortening frequently used words, the speaker
can speed up the communication process most effectively. Second, speaker economy
can be considered an important motivation. To save pronunciation effort, words
are often expressed imperfectly. Without context helping in reconstructing the
target form, this would easily lead to severe problems. But in context,
degenerated acoustic signals hardly ever form a problem in understanding
(Brouwer, 2010). Eventually, this imperfect pronunciation can lead to a
different phonological representation. A younger generation of language learners
may “wrongly” store a reduced form of a word (in the examplar-based
model of Bybee, 2010, this change may even take place within a single generation
of speakers). Words that express general and frequently-used relations between,
or properties of, content words can be expected to be especially susceptible to
such impoverished inheritance. Because of their general meaning and frequent use
they are predictable, and therefore reducible. Indeed, function words are on
average much shorter than lexical words. Morphological case could be considered the ultimate result of such a
grammaticalization process. Because of its frequent use, (the predecessor of)
case became a suffix, a morpheme that is reduced to the extent that it,
according to language-dependent criteria, can no longer be used independently in
a sentence but has to be attached to other words. The motivation for the
frequent use of case and its resulting far-going grammaticalization is that it
expresses semantic roles. Semantic roles, it is proposed here, are to be
understood as language-specific generalizations about the functions event
participants may have in a communicated event. The semantics of the role of an
argument in a particular event is much richer but cannot efficiently be
communicated as such for all individual participants (for a similar view of the
distinction between a rich conceptual and language-ready logical level, cf.
amongst many others Levelt 1989, Bierwisch and Schreuder 1992). By categorizing
arguments into semantic roles, the speaker can use more economical means of
expression, namely the forms corresponding to semantic roles. From the semantics
of the predicate, the hearer can tell the precise argument function. For
example, the Agent of to hit is a hitter but the Agent of to walk
is a walker. Other semantic roles are, for example, Instrument (a thing
that is used to achieve something), Theme (a thing that undergoes an
action without being changed by it), and Beneficiary (person for whom
some action is performed), each of which, if recognized in a language, has a
language-particular range of specific functions. Attractive as they may sound, it is notoriously difficult and a matter
of ongoing debate to determine which semantic-role generalizations should be
made and how these generalizations should be defined and labeled. Because of
this, most linguists agree that semantic roles are a problematic concept (Butt,
2006, 31). The problem is the, arguably, wrong assumption, that semantic roles
are universal concepts. Instead, Langacker (1991, 284) argues that a definite
list is neither necessary nor achievable. Semantic roles are generalizations and
languages can differ in the degree they abstract away from the unique semantic
properties each verb defines for its participants (cf. also Croft 1991). Thus,
semantic roles should not be any more problematic than the notion of words in
the lexicon. There is no universal set of semantic roles simply because semantic
roles are language-specific generalizations about arguments, just like the
lexicon is a set of language-specific generalizations about individual objects
and events. The higher the level of generalization, however, the more
commonalities we can expect between the categories of different languages
(Rosch, 1978). Since the set of general principles that are useful and applied
at this level of categorization is restricted, the types of semantic roles that
are discerned will be comparable between languages, which probably explains the
quest for a universal list of semantic roles. However, the results of
categorization do vary between languages and the failure to establish this list
can be seen as evidence for the view of semantic roles as language-particular
generalizations. Core cases have grammaticalized even beyond the point of expressing
semantic roles. They could be considered to be generalizations about
semantic roles, more specifically, about the semantic roles that are used by
default in combination with some verb. Core cases are mostly used in combination
with transitive predicates, such as hit, see, help, and
read, which by definition have two, predicate-specific, prominent event
modifiers that are virtually always selected and therefore highly predictable.
Similarly to the procedure described above for semantic roles, the exact
semantics of this subject and object can be derived from the
predicate semantics. Consider the German examples in (8). German (8) | a. | Der | Mann | schlug | den | Jungen. |
|
| the | man | hit | the | boy |
|
| ‘The man hit the boy.’ |
| b. | Der | Mann | sah | den | Jungen. |
|
| the | man | saw | the | boy. |
|
| ‘The man saw the boy.’ |
The semantic functions of the arguments can be described at
various levels of generalization. At a low level, in (8-a) the man is a hitter
(or even more specifically, a hitter of boys) and the boy is a hittee (by a man)
whereas in (8-b) the man is a seeer and the boy someone who is seen. At a medium
level, the man is an Agent and a Perceiver, and the boy a Patient and
Theme/Stimulus, respectively. At the highest level, the man is a subject and the
boy is an object in both sentences. Just like we know that the Agent of
‘to hit’ is a hitter, we know that the subject of ‘to
hit’ is an Agent, and therefore a hitter, and its object a Patient and
hittee (and similarly for ‘to see’). Core case can thus be seen as
the highest possible generalization about arguments, namely as a two-way
classification of the two semantic roles that are default for some specific
predicate, on the basis of properties such as animacy, awareness, and control
(cf. the proto-argument properties of Dowty, 1991; Hopper and Thompson, 1980;
Primus, 2003). The view on case proposed in this paper (more elaborately discussed in
XX1) differs from the standard view in yet another way. Often, most notably in
the Chomskyan framework, case is thought of as a crucial output criterion of the
language, which needs to be assigned either overtly or covertly. In the
perspective proposed here, however, case markers primarily are a service from
the speaker to the hearer instead. A speaker does not just use case marking to
express their thoughts for herself, they want to communicate these thoughts to a
hearer. An utterance is a meaning wrapped in an expression from which the
original meaning should be derivable again. Because of time constraints on
conversation, this expression should not be too extensive. Together with
strategies like word order, prominence and agreement, case is used to aid the
hearer in getting the right interpretation while at the same time remaining
faithful to an economy principle. Case, and language in general, for that
matter, can thus largely be understood in light of its communicative function.
Preferably, as much of language structure as possible is explained from such a
general functional perspective: the more phenomena can be understood as the
result of a diachronic adaptation process, the less ad hoc the linguistic
theory. Importantly, this view allows for the possibility of the optional use of
case, as we will see in the next section. Note first, however, that this is by
no means to deny the fact that the use of case has become obligatory in some of
the language systems in which it developed (a result dubbed functional
overkill by Durie 1995). Rather, it is meant as a functional motivation for
the development of such a structure (cf. also Haspelmath, 1999). The following three constraints can be distilled of the above
discussion. First, ECONOMY asks for economic and
succinct expressions. It is a well-established constraint in the functional
literature (cf. Grice 1989, Haspelmath 2007), often appearing in more specific
formulations to deal with the particular variation of concern. Importantly,
however, being faithful to this principle is only made possible by the
cooperativeness of the hearer, which can be broken down into two constraints.
First, the hearer has to be willing to enrich the utterance proper with those
things that need not be said because they are easily inferable from linguistic
and/or situational context, or from general world knowledge. This principle is
captured by the constraint PREDICT (cf. e.g. Levinson
1983, Zwarts 2004). Finally, a third constraint, dubbed
FAITHL (cf. Grice 1989, Zeevat 2000), is necessary to
cancel unwanted default inferences. The enrichment of the utterance proper with
additional information should never go at the cost of what is being said
explicitly[2]. As the hearer knows,
anything the speaker says is in spite of ECONOMY and
should therefore not be ignored.
The constraints and their definitions are summarized in (9). (9) | a. | ECONOMY: be economical in expressing what
you want to say |
| b. | PREDICT: enrich the utterance proper with
any additional information available to predict the precise meaning |
| c. | FAITHL: do not ignore linguistic signs
(i.e., interpret the semantic role expressed by a case marker) |
In the next section, these constraints will be used to
explain the variation of case alternations in Section 2. The general idea will
be that in such alternations a form is chosen that is maximally economic and
still sufficiently informative. It will be shown that sometimes case is cheapest
option, but at some other times it alternates with an even more economic
expression, viz. a zero form. 4. Accounting for the
VariationThe optimization procedure between the speakers’s wish
to be economical and the requirement for the utterance to be intelligible can be
formalized in bidirectional Optimality Theory (bidirectional OT; Blutner et al.
2006). In addition to the standard OT assumption that language rules are
violable constraints (Prince and Smolensky, 1993/2004), bidirectional OT
evaluates candidates on their communicative qualities. That is, both from a
hearer and speaker perspective. The use of case can thus be modelled as a
bidirectionally optimal solution for the expression of a meaning. More specifically, the semi-bidirectional version of OT proposed
by de Swart (de Swart, 2007, forthcoming) will be used here. In this version,
there is only one meaning for the expression of which in principle only one form
is considered. The production of a sentence is constrained by its
interpretation. The speaker checks if the optimal candidate from their speaker
perspective will indeed lead to the right interpretation. If not, they will
resort to a suboptimal form that probably will get the meaning across. Before showing how this approach concretely applies to case
alternations, it is important to be explicit about the scope of the claims to be
made. The present proposal aims to motivate the possibility and directionality
(i.e., Where does the shorter alternative go?) of the attested case alternations
by means of the three general constraints introduced in the previous section.
The goal is not to propose that these constraints are all there is to
synchronic grammar. Instead, it is hypothesized that from optimization
procedures in which such very general constraints play a role, more specific
rules of grammar may originate in a process of fossilization (term by
Blutner 2007; cf. also Durie 1995; Zwarts et al. 2009; Lestrade 2010, and
Hebb’s rule). In this process, a bidirectional optimization process
becomes standardized into a direct link between an input meaning and an output
form (cf. Section 4.4 below). In this way, rules of grammar develop from the
same principles that guide our communication, which is a highly desirable design
feature from a functional
perspective[3]. 4.1 Spatial case
alternationsFirst, consider again the spatial case alternation in
Bukharian Uzbek repeated in (10). Bukharian Uzbek (Aziz Djuraev, p.c.) (10) | Siz | bozor(-ga) | borasizmi? |
| you | market-DAT | go |
| ‘Will you go to the marketplace?’ |
The corresponding optimization procedure is illustrated in
Tableaux 1 and 2. ECONOMY prohibits the use of the
dative marker and therefore a zero marked form is always preferred from the
perspective of the speaker[4].
However, as (10) shows, this spatial case marker is only optionally omitted.
Apparently not all speakers think the Goal function of a market place
sufficiently follows from its inherent semantics or the motion context. This is
illustrated by the different optimization procedures in the two tableaux. In Tableau
1, which represents the optimization procedure that leads to the zero marked
expression, any other interpretation than a Goal role for the market place, only
illustrated for the Instrument role here for reasons of space, is considered a
violation of Predict (INTa). Thus,
although the case marked candidate would lead to the same interpretation
(INTb), the zero marked candidate suffices already and becomes
bidirectionally optimal, indicated by the two-way arrow that points out the winning candidate.
PROD: Go(e) & Agent(e,you) & Goal(e, market) | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | ↔ | a. market-Ø |
|
|
|
| b. market-LOC |
|
| * | INTa: market-Ø | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
| market = Instrument |
| * |
| → | market = Goal |
|
|
| INTb: market-LOC | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
| market = Instrument | * | * |
| → | market = Goal |
|
|
|
Tableau 1: Optimization procedure of zero marking in Bukharian
Uzbek
This procedure contrasts with that in Tableau 2. Again an unmarked form candidate is preferred from the speaker's perspective, as pointed out by the simple arrow at the production evaluation (PROD). As the evaluation of this candidate shows, however, the speaker thinks context and world knowledge may be insufficient for the hearer to
tell the semantic role of the market place (i.e.
PREDICT does not apply and no choice can be made between the meaning candidates). As a result, the unmarked
form is considered ambiguous and, in spite of
ECONOMY, locative case is judged to be necessary to
ensure the correct interpretation by FAITHL
(INTb). Thus, a more marked form becomes optimal, indicated by a two-way arrow.
PROD: Go(e) & Agent(e,you) & Goal(e, market) | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | → | a. market-Ø |
|
|
|
↔
| b. market-LOC |
|
| * | INTa: market-Ø | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
| market = Instrument |
| |
| | market = Goal |
|
|
| INTb: market-LOC | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
| market = Instrument | * | |
| → | market = Goal |
|
|
|
Tableau 2: Optimization procedure of dative marking in
Bukharian Uzbek It is known from the literature that less prototypical
performers of some function require a more elaborate encoding for this (cf.
Section 1). Whereas this observation originally was restricted to the marking of
core argument functions, it has been extended to other domains by, amongst
others, Aristar (1996, 1997) and Creissels (2009). For example, (Creissels,
2009, 612-613) observes that geographical names often have a simpler spatial
marking than animates. In terms of the present proposal, this means that
whenever PREDICT does not apply,
FAITHL has to be used to ensure the correct
interpretation (cf. Tableau 2). Two technical notes about the formalization procedure can be made for
clarification. In these tableaux a violation of ECONOMY
is only registered at the production stage and does not apply to the
interpretation evaluation by definition (cf.(9)). The hearer cannot do anything
about the length of the utterance they have to interpret, as this is simply
given (cf. Zeevat, 2000). Also note that although both form candidates are
simultaneously given, in principle only one is considered at a time, and only
the one with the double-headed arrow will be produced. If this happens to be the
most economical candidate, the marked alternative will not be further
considered. 4.2 Case vs.
Postpositions
The alternation between a spatial case form and a
prepositional phrase (or between a case-like economical form and a more
elaborate construction) works very similarly to the alternation between a case
and a zero form, described in the previous section. The only difference is that
in the latter alternation, case was the more economical option, whereas it is
the less marked alternative in the present case. Consider the relevant example
from Marathi again: Marathi (Pandharipande 1997, 340) (11) | a. | Tsor | gharā-t | s’irlā. |
|
| thief | house-LOC | entered |
|
| ‘The thief entered the house.’ |
| b. | Tsor | gharā-tSyā-āt | s’irlā. |
|
| thief | house-PX-in | entered |
|
| ‘The thief entered the house.’ |
Again, the alternation is only optional and both options are
allowed. This means that, apparently, the underspecified spatial case is not
always judged to be sufficient to express the inside region of the house. In
Tableaux 3 and 4, the optimization processes of the two options are represented.
Tableau 3 shows the optimization process if the speaker thinks the inside location
sufficiently follows from context and world knowledge. In this case, the more
economical option suffices and becomes bidirectionally optimal. (Again, only one
meaning alternative is considered here.) PROD: location = house’s inside | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
↔ | a. house-LOC |
|
|
|
| b. house-PX-in |
|
| * | INTa: house-LOC | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | →
| location = inside |
| |
| | location = front |
|
*
|
| INTb: house-PX-in | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→
| location = inside | | |
| | location = front | *
|
*
|
|
Tableau 3: Optimization procedure of locative case marking in
Marathi
This optimization procedure contrasts with that in Tableau 4.
Here, the speaker thinks the inside location does not become sufficiently clear
from context. Locative case is judged ambiguous and therefore the more explicit
prepositional phrase has to be used. PROD: location = house’s inside | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | → | a. house-LOC |
|
|
|
↔
| b. house-PX-in |
|
| * | INTa: house-LOC | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
| location = inside |
| |
| | location = front/roof |
|
|
| INTb: house-PX-in | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→
| location = inside | | |
| | location = front/roof | *
|
|
|
Tableau 4: Optimization procedure of adpositional marking in
Marathi 4.3 Positional case
alternationsWe are probably most familiar with languages in which case
concord takes place within the noun phrase, as is the case in most Indo-European
languages. In another very common type of languages, however, case marking is
used only once to mark the entire constituent (Blake, 1994, 99). For example, in
(12), accusative case is placed on the final word of the noun phrase ‘all
human kind’ only: Kannada (Blake, 1994, 100) (12) | Naanu | ellaa | maanava | janaangavannu | priitisutteene. |
| I.NOM | all | human | community.ACC | love.1SG |
| ‘I love all humankind.’ |
In intermediate options of case concord, case marking is
obligatory once (for example on the head) and repeated optionally on the
dependents (Blake, 1994, 100). Above, we saw an example of such an intermediate
type. In Warlpiri, the use of concord case depends on the position of the
constituent it marks. If the elements of the constituent are adjacent, only one
case form is used (13-a); if they are apart, case concord does take place
(13-b). Warlpiri (Hale 1973; cited in Blake 1994, 96) (13) | a. | Tyarntu | wiri-ngki=tyu | yarlki-rnu. |
|
| dog | big-ERG=1.SG.OBJ | bite-PAST |
|
| ‘The big dog bit me.’ |
| b. | Tyarntu-ngku=tyu | yarlki-rnu | wiri-ngki. |
|
| dog-ERG=1.SG.OBJ | bite-PAST | big-ERG |
|
| ‘The big dog bit me.’ or: ‘The dog bit me, big
(one).’ |
The intuition about the optimization procedure is probably
clear by now. If the function or relation of the constituents is made
sufficiently clear by their relative position already, case is unnecessary and
can therefore omitted because of economy. The difference between the a
and b example is illustrated in Tableaux 5 and 6. In the first example, analyzed in Tableau 5, the noun and the adjective
modifier are put adjacent. From word order then, the hearer can easily tell that
they belong to each other (cf. the grouping principle of Jackendoff,
2002), and together fill the roll expressed by the ergative case. Depending on
the validity of word order as a cue, one may analyze any other interpretation
than ‘big dog’ as a violation of either
FAITHL or PREDICT (cf. the
difference between “hard” and “soft” constraints by
Bresnan et al., 2001). In any event, word order suffices here to correctly
combine the constituents of the nominal phrase. PROD: ‘the big dog bit me’ | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | ↔ | a. dog big-ERG me bit |
|
|
|
| b. dog-ERG big-ERG me bit |
|
| * | INTa: dog big-ERG me bit | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | →
| ‘the big dog bit me’ |
| |
| | ‘the dog bit the big me’ |
*
|
*
|
| INTb: dog-ERG big-ERG me bit | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ | ‘the big dog bit me’ | | |
| | ‘the dog bit the big me’ | *
|
|
|
Tableau 5: Optimization procedure of absence of concord in
Warlpiri
Now consider the optimization procedure of the second
example in Tableau 6. Here, the constituents are separated as a result of which
word order cannot be used to tell their relation. Therefore, without the use of
ergative case on the adjective, it would not be clear to which nominal it
belongs. By the repeated use of ergative case, the speaker makes sure that the
hearer does get the right interpretation. Both constituents belong to the thing
with the role expressed by the ergative case. PROD: ‘the big dog bit me’ | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | → | a. dog-ERG me bit big |
|
|
|
↔ | b. dog-ERG me bit big-ERG |
|
| * | INTa: dog-ERG me bit big | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | | ‘the big dog bit me’ |
| |
| | ‘the dog bit the big me’ |
|
|
| INTb: dog-ERG me bit big-ERG | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
| ‘the big dog bit me’ | | |
| → | ‘the dog bit the big me’ | *
|
|
|
Tableau 6: Optimization procedure of case concord in
Warlpiri An anonymous reviewer remarked that the interaction between
structural position and case marking is more complex, referring to a
generalization about agreement impoverishment by Samek-Lodovici (2002, 50).
There, it is proposed that agreement within local projections is never poorer
than agreement within their extended projections. That is, (person, number,
gender) agreement only occurs if an agreement trigger occurs within some local
projection (spec-head agreement) and therefore may not occur if the trigger is
outside of such a projection. Clearly, this generalization describes the very
opposite pattern of the one just discussed, in which greater distance leads to
overt marking. This difference between case marking and verbal agreement is
easily explained, however, when understanding the different functions they have.
Givón (1976) argues that subject agreement developed via the
grammaticalization of topic coreferential pronouns. In this view, the subject is
a grammaticalized topic that has become part of the argument structure of the
verb (Li and Thompson 1976; Lehmann 1976; Givón 1976; cf. also the
contributions in van Bergen and de Hoop 2009; especially the one by Brunetti).
Instead, as discussed above, case markers primarily express semantic roles.
Whereas moving the subject out of topic position leads to a situation in which
there no longer is a topic to agree with because of which agreement
impoverishment is indeed expected; a semantic role may become unclear because of
the moving about of constituents, because of which extra case marking is
in fact expected. 4.4 Core vs. spatial case
alternationsAlso the alternation between a core and spatial case can be
explained in the present framework, although this requires a brief elaboration
on the organization of spatial language. In a typical spatial expression, such as The cup is on the tableau,
a movable entity, the locatum, is related to a stable reference object,
the ground. Spatial case is mostly used to mark the mode function of the
ground, i.e. whether it is a Goal, Source, or Place
(sometimes very coarsely further specifying the region with respect to
the ground; cf. Talmy 2001, Bateman et al. 2010, and Lestrade 2012 for
terminology and further discussion). Since animates are likely to move, they are
rather infelicitous as a reference object. For a reliable specification of the
location of the figure, the speaker better uses a more immovable object. Indeed,
in many languages the use of spatial case on animates is either prohibited or in
need of additional “bridging morphemes” to make possible the marked
combination (Aristar, 1996, 1997). How could this help us explain the Lezgian use of ablative case to mark
the Agent as performing an act involuntarily, repeated in (14)? Lezgian (Haspelmath 1993, 292) (14) | Zamira-di(-waj) | get’e | xana. |
| Zamira-ERG-ABL | pot | break.AOR |
| ‘Zamira broke the pot
(accidentally/involuntarily).’ |
As just said, a spatial case, such as the ablative case,
normally marks its bearer as a stable reference object. According to (Dowty,
1991, 576) however, typical Agents are (amongst other things) volitional causers
of an event. As a result, the combination of the two cannot be interpreted
straightforwardly and a compromise between the two must be sought instead.
Rather than changing completely from an animate to an inanimate entity, the
animate entity gives up some of its most salient animacy features, preferably
the ones that are especially inappropriate in a spatial function. By giving up
volitionality, its combination with a spatial case becomes better. The spatial
case in turn has to give up its ground function. By thus being (partly) faithful
to both the semantics of the animate Agent and that of the spatial case, the
hearer arrives at the correct interpretation. The optimization process is
represented in Tableau 7. Ergative case is the less marked alternative but does
not express involuntariness and hence cannot be used to express the intended
meaning of (14). The use of ablative case does work out: Interpreting Zamira as
a Ground would be incompatible with her animacy status (and therefore a
violation of FAITHL or, at the very least, of
PREDICT) but also ignoring the spatial case
altogether would be a violation of FAITHL. However,
the compromise that can be reached in the way described above does yield the
right interpretation of an involuntary
Agent[5].
PROD: involuntary Agent(e, Zamira) | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | → | a. Zamira-ERG |
|
|
|
↔ | b. Zamira-ERG-ABL |
|
| * | INTa: Zamira-ERG | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ |
Agent(e, Zamira) |
|
|
|
| involuntary Agent(e, Zamira) |
*
| |
| | Ground(e, Zamira) |
* |
* |
| INTb: Zamira-ERG-ABL | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
|
Agent(e, Zamira) |
* |
|
|
→ | involuntary Agent(e, Zamira) | | |
| | Ground(e,Zamira) | *
|
*
|
|
Tableau 7: Optimization procedure of ablative case in
Lezgian There is more that could be said about this alternation.
Lezgian has a large paradigm of spatial cases and according to the explanation
above, in principle each of them could have been chosen, as each of them would
result in a compromise in which volitionality is given up. From this paradigm,
however, it is specifically a Source case that is selected to mark the
unvolitional Agent, which seems motivated as it crosslinguistically seems to be
the standard choice (Palancar, 2002). Agent and Source are metonymically related
in that both figure at the beginning of an event, the first as the causer that
initiates the event, the second as the starting point of the motion. Since this
shared meaning dimenion is maintained in their combination, we can think about
the interpretation of the Agent as being involuntary as a compromise
indeed[6]. 4.5 Temporal/aspectual case
alternationsConsider again the use of ergative in dependence of tense
and aspect. The interpretation clues that are used by
PREDICT in this alternation are provided by the
speech setting itself. In particular, if the here and now can be used by the
hearer to tell apart the Agent from the Patient, that is, if the hearer in
principle can observe the distribution of functions, ergative case is judged
superfluous. In Tableau 8, the semi-bidirectional optimization procedure for (15-a)
(repeated from above) is illustrated. Urdu/Hindi (Woolford, 2007) (15) | a. | Ram | gari | cala-yi | (hai). |
|
| Ram.NOM | car | drive-IMPF | be.PRES |
|
| ‘Ram drives a car.’ |
| b. | Ram-ne | gari | cala-ta | (hai). |
|
| Ram-ERG | car | drive-PERF | be.PRES |
|
| ‘Ram has driven a/the car.’ |
According to Woolford (2007), the primary function of an
aspect split is to provide a cheap way of (redundantly) marking aspect. Because
the use of case is only blocked for specific aspect levels, e.g. imperfective
aspect, the mere presence of case marking provides information about aspect. For
very similar alternations in Nepali and Manipuri, Poudel argues that this case
alternation can be analyzed in terms of a difference between stage and
individual level predication (Poudel, 2007; Butt and Poudel, 2007). Ergative
case is used for individual level predication, nominative case is used for stage
level predication[7]. Note however
that although both accounts may describe the alternation formally, they do not
provide a motivation for it. In XX2, an account is developed in the spirit of the present proposal.
The use of ergative case violates ECONOMY, making the
first candidate the preferred form. This form indeed will lead to the right
interpretation, as its interpretation evaluation shows. On the basis of
information available in the here and now (which use is called for by
PREDICT), the agent of the event can be identified.
Any other interpretation would violate PREDICT. Also
the more marked form would lead to the right interpretation. However, since
there is a more economical alternative available already, this candidate is not
preferred.
PROD: ‘Ram drives a car’ | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | ↔ | a. Ram car drive-IMPF |
|
|
|
| b. Ram-ERG car drive-IMPF |
|
| * | INTa: Ram car drive-IMPF | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ |
‘Ram drives a car’ |
|
|
|
|
‘he drives Ram’s car’ |
|
* |
|
| ‘the car drives Ram’ |
| * |
| | ‘…’ |
|
* |
| INTb: Ram-ERG car drive-IMPF | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ |
‘Ram drives a car’ |
|
|
|
|
‘he drives Ram’s car’ |
* |
* |
|
| ‘the car drives Ram’ | * | * |
| | ‘…’ | *
|
*
|
|
Tableau 8: Optimization procedure of zero marker in
Hindi In Tableau 9, the optimization procedure of (15-b) is
illustrated. Again, the zero marked alternative is preferred because of
ECONOMY. This time, however, because of the
perfective aspect, the here and now does not offer any interpretation clues and
the agent function cannot be grounded (i.e. PREDICT
does not apply). As a result, the preferred form could be said to be ambiguous
and not to straightforwardly lead to the right interpretation. If the speaker
wants to make sure that they will be understood, they have to use ergative case,
as the interpretation evaluation of the second form candidate shows.
PROD: ‘Ram has driven a car’ | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ | a. Ram car drive-PERF |
|
|
|
↔ | b. Ram-ERG car drive-PERF |
|
| * |
INTa: Ram car drive-PERF | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
|
‘Ram drives a car’ |
|
|
|
|
‘he drives Ram’s car’ |
|
|
|
| ‘the car drives Ram’ |
| |
| | ‘…’ |
|
|
|
INTb: Ram-ERG car drive-PERF | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ |
‘Ram drives a car’ |
|
|
|
|
‘he drives Ram’s car’ |
* |
|
|
| ‘the car drives Ram’ | * | |
| | ‘…’ | *
|
|
|
Tableau 9: Optimization procedure of ergative marker in
Hindi Obviously, other information sources can in principle be
used to determine the argument structure. For example, animacy information could
be used to rule out the third interpretation option ‘the car drives
Ram’. Indeed, PREDICT can have this
interpretation in other languages (cf. de Swart, 2007; Lestrade, 2010).
Languages may differ in the way in and the extent to which their grammars make
use of this very generally formulated constraint. The speaker makes use of the
knowledge of a cooperative hearer (see Grice, 1989; Levinson, 2000b). In the
tense/aspect alternations exemplified by Hindi,
PREDICT concerns the use of information from the here
and now to ground the argument function of an event participant. One may find it
hard to believe that a language would not make use of animacy information in
such examples. But note that English is an obvious example of a language that
does just that. English speakers will interpret the sentence The pie ate the
goat with the pie as a (giant cartoon) subject. Instead, Dutch speakers will
interpret such a sentence with the goat as the Agent, thereby favoring animacy
information over standard word order preferences. 4.6 Core case
alternationsLet us finally consider the most often cited type of case
alternation, repeated in (16) for convenience. Fore (Scott, 1978, 115-116) (16) | a. | Yaga:-wama | wá | aegúye. |
|
| pig-ERG | man | 3SG.OBJ.hit.3SG.SU.IND |
|
| ‘The pig attacks the man.’ |
| b. | Yaga: | wá | aegúye. |
|
| pig | man | 3SG.OBJ.hit.3SG.SU.IND |
|
| ‘The man kills the pig.’ |
Scott (1978, 114-116) argues that ergative case in Fore is
used to express deviation from the standard interpretative hierarchy in which
higher animates (humans > animates > inanimates) go with higher roles
(subject > indirect object > direct object). In case of a draw,
linear order is decisive (subjects preceding direct objects). Generally, only
when the interpretative hierarchy or linear order needs to be overruled,
ergative case -má is used. In a careful revision of a series of Scott’s studies of Fore,
Donohue and Donohue (1997) propose a nominative rather than ergative case
analysis of the -má marker illustrated in (16), in which the
nominative use developed from extending the earlier ergative use. In their
analysis, -má is not used to mark an unexpected distribution of
roles over two arguments, but rather to mark an unexpected combination of
subject role and argument. The distinction between the two types is known as
global vs. local DCM. The former type uses the relative properties
of both core arguments in deciding about the use of case marking, the latter is
only concerned with the appropriateness of a given noun for its argument
function irrespective of other clues (cf. Malchukov and de Swart, 2009,
348).[8] Undisputed examples of global case alternations are easily found in the
literature, however. In (17), an example is given of the optional use of the
accusative in Awtuw: Awtuw (de Hoop and Malchukov, 2008, 569) (17) | a. | Tey | tale | yaw | dæli. |
|
| 3FEM.SG | woman | pig | bit |
|
| ‘The woman bit the pig.’ |
| b. | Tey | tale-re | yaw | dæli. |
|
| 3FEM.SG | woman-ACC | pig | bit |
|
| ‘The pig bit the woman.’ |
According to (de Hoop and Malchukov, 2008, 569), the object
is obligatorily marked with accusative case in Awtuw if the object is as high as
or higher than the subject in the animacy hierarchy. Generally, subjects are
higher in animacy than objects (Comrie, 1981, 128) and if this default pattern
applies, case marking is unnecessary in Awtuw (17-a). However, if the object
outranks the subject in animacy, the object marker -re has to be used. Note that
in these examples it is not the animacy of the arguments per se, but the animacy
of the subject in relation to that of the object that determines the case
marking. If this animacy relation is unexpected, case marking is
necessary. First consider the OT analysis of global DCM, illustrated by Awtuh. As
indicated by the simple arrow at the production evaluation (PROD) in Tableau 10,
because of ECONOMY, the zero marked form is preferred
from the speaker’s perspective. As the interpretation check of this
candidate shows, however, the hearer would get the wrong interpretation without
the use of accusative case on tale ‘woman’, see INTa in
Tableau 10. World knowledge would lead them to believe that the woman, not the
pig, is the Agent, since humans more often act on animals than the other way
around. To overrule this preference, the speaker has to use a slightly more
elaborate form, i.e. marking the woman with accusative case. Because of
FAITHL, the hearer now arrives at the intended
interpretation, as illustrated in the lower part of the Tableau (INTb).
Thus, in spite of its violation of ECONOMY, the
accusative case-marked candidate is found bidirectionally optimal, indicated by
the two-way arrow.
PROD: bite(e) & Agent(e, pig) & Patient(e, woman) | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY | → | a. pig-Ø, woman-Ø |
|
|
|
↔ | b. pig-Ø, woman-ACC |
|
| * |
INTa: pig-Ø, woman-Ø | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ | Agent(e, woman) |
| |
| | Agent(e, pig) |
|
* |
|
INTb: pig-Ø, woman-ACC | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
| Agent(e, woman) | * | |
| → | Agent(e, pig) | |
*
|
|
Tableau 10: Optimization procedure of accusative case in
Awtuh Now let us consider the optimization procedure of (17-b):
‘The woman bites the pig’. The crucial difference between Tableau 10
and Tableau 11 is that there now is one form candidate that is optimal from both a
unidirectional and bidirectional perspective. Both form candidates lead to the
same correct interpretation result, and because of that the more economical
version can be chosen. The addition of accusative case would not change the
meaning and therefore is forbidden by ECONOMY. In the
first tableau, contrastively, the use of case was necessary to express a meaning
that would otherwise not be conveyed.
PROD: bite(e) & Agent(e, woman) & Patient(e, pig) | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
↔ | a. woman-Ø, pig-Ø |
|
|
|
| b. woman-ACC, pig-Ø |
|
| * |
INTa: woman-Ø, pig-Ø | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ | Agent(e, woman) |
| |
| | Agent(e, pig) |
|
* |
|
INTb: woman-Ø, pig-ACC | FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ | Agent(e, woman) | | |
| | Agent(e, pig) | * |
*
|
|
Tableau 11: Optimization procedure of zero marker in
Awtuh Recall from above that differently from the global pattern
just illustrated, in which the relative properties of both core arguments are
used in deciding about the use of case marking , in local DCM, such as in
Fore, only the appropriateness of a given noun for its argument function is
considered. This strategy can easily be accounted for by the use of a constraint
that requires atypical arguments to be marked (for our ergative language,
NONHUMANAGENT→ERG,
or NHA→ERG for shortness). Fortunately, we do not simply have to stipulate
its existence, but we can hypothesize that it developed from the generalization
about input-output mappings of optimization procedures such as in Tableau 10. If
it frequently turns out that atypical arguments cause confusion and therefore
need to be marked, a direct link between atypical meaning and marked form can be
derived. As a result, the unmarked form will no longer be considered for this
kind of meaning input, and the interpretation check showing that the unmarked
form does not suffice can thus be bypassed. When we add this constraint to our constraint set, the Fore pattern is
straightforwardly described. First consider the optimization procedure for a
nonhuman Agent in Tableau 12.
PROD: Attack(e) & Agent(e, pig) & Patient(e, man) |
NHA→ERG |
FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
| a. pig-Ø, man-Ø |
* |
|
|
|
↔ | b. pig-ERG, man-Ø |
|
|
| * |
INTa: pig-ERG, man-Ø |
NHA→ERG |
FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
| Agent(e, man) |
|
*
| |
| → | Agent(e, pig) |
|
|
* |
|
INTb: woman-Ø, pig-ACC |
NHA→ERG |
FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ | Agent(e, man) |
|
| |
| | Agent(e, pig) |
|
|
*
|
|
Tableau 12: Optimization of ergative case in Fore Given a nonhuman Agent, the unmarked form is excluded by our
newly developed constraint and the ergative-case marked form becomes optimal
from a production perspective, in spite of its violation of
ECONOMY. As it correctly leads to the intended
meaning, it is found bidirectionally optimal too. In the second optimization, illustrated in Tableau 13, the zero marked
candidate satisfies NHA→ERG vacuously, as the constraint does not apply to
human Agents. Because of PREDICT, there is no need to
check a more marked form: The unmarked candidate will yield the intended meaning
already.
PROD: Kill(e) & Agent(e, man) & Patient(e, pig) |
NHA→ERG |
FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
↔ | a. man-Ø, pig-Ø |
|
|
|
|
| b. man-ERG, pig-Ø |
|
|
| * |
INTa: man-Ø, pig-Ø |
NHA→ERG |
FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ | Agent(e, man) |
|
| |
| | Agent(e, pig) |
|
|
* |
|
INTb: man-ERG, pig-Ø |
NHA→ERG |
FAITHL | PREDICT | ECONOMY |
→ | Agent(e, man) |
|
| |
| | Agent(e, pig) |
|
|
*
|
|
Tableau 13: Optimization process of zero marker in
Fore 5. DiscussionBy means of three general constraints, a uniform account can
be given for a variety of case alternations. However, as was stressed several
times from the outset, some of the discussed optimization procedures are likely
to have become standardized routines over time. Arguably, there is a trade-off
between a real-time calculation of (a solution to) possible ambiguity and the
use of a generalized rule that frees the speaker from checking, but necessarily
results in accidental unnecessary uses of a structure from a purely
communicative perspective (cf. Durie1995 for an informal discussion of this
trade-off and its resulting functional overkill, which, it is argued
there, cannot be used as an argument against a functional motivation; cf. Pawley
2011, 36 for a discourse illustration with narrative serial verb constructions
in Kalam). In some cases, such as the alternation in Uzbek, the choice between a
case form and some alternative construction really seems to be a real-time,
pragmatically motivated decision. In many other cases, however, the proposed
constraints are maybe better understood as communicative guiding principles from
which more specific rules of grammar that directly state that some case must be
used in some context, for some meaning, or for some arguments have derived. The
development of these more specific constraints can be thought of as the result
of a process of fossilization in which decisions that once were made
frequently have become automatized. This process was illustrated above in the
discussion of local DCM in Fore. Another alternation in which most probably a fossilized constraint is
involved is the one driven by specificity in Hindi, repeated in (18). Hindi (de Hoop and Malchukov, 2008, 576) (18) | a. | Wo | ek | laD.kaa | dekhtaa | hae |
|
| he | one | boy | seeing | is |
|
| ‘He sees a boy.’ |
| b. | Wo | ek | laD.ke-ko | dekhtaa | hae |
|
| he | one | boy-ACC | seeing | is |
|
| ‘He sees the boy.’ |
It can be hypothesized that because of the recurrent need to
explicitly mark prominent participants as objects to keep them apart from
subjects, an automatized rule of grammar has developed in Hindi that says to
simply mark all specific objects, even in the absence of possible
confusion. In conclusion, existing analyses of differential case marking are much
too narrowly focused to account for the large variety of case alternations that
can easily be identified cross-linguistically. The present proposal, instead,
gives a uniform account of this variation using very general Gricean principles
of communication only, viz. economy and cooperativeness. These principles were
formalized in a semi-bidirectional optimality theoretic framework in the form of
the constraints ECONOMY (be economical in expressing
what you want to say), FAITHL (do not ignore
linguistic signs, i.e., interpret the semantic role expressed by a case marker),
and PREDICT (enrich the utterance proper with any
additional information available to predict the particular meaning). It was
shown that all case alternations, including traditional examples of differential
case marking, could thus straightforwardly be described in terms of
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Author’s Contact Information:
Sander Lestrade
Department of Linguistics
Radboud University of Nijmegen
The Netherlands
s.lestrade@let.ru.nl
[1]Many thanks to the audience of the workshop Structural Alternations: Speaker and Hearer Perspectives (Groningen, August 2011) and to two anonymous reviewers for valuable comments that helped improve this paper.
[2]As is always the case
in linguistics, “never” is too strong. If a speaker obviously is
confusing things (e.g. saying by turning on the stitch), a cooperative
hearer will probably repair the confusion (i.e. interpreting ‘by turning
on the switch’). [3]Note that the present
approach thus deviates from standard OT in yet another way: In standard OT,
constraints are universally given and languages differ only in their ranking;
cf. Haspelmath (1999). [4]For a more elaborate
introduction to bidirectional OT, cf. e.g. Blutner et al. (2006); de Swart
(forthcoming); Lestrade (2010). [5]Note how this account
thus gives a semantic motivation for the use of spatial case in the argument
domain, which contrasts with “standard” explanations in terms of a
difference in markedness only (cf. e.g. de Hoop and Malchukov, 2007,
2008). [6]For more fundamental
hypotheses concerning the conceptual relation between Source and Agent, cf.
Anderson’s (1971; 2006) Localist grammar, Hopper and Thompson’s
(1980, 251) characterization of transitivity in terms of “an activity
which is carried over or transferred from an agent to a patient”, or the
discussion in XX1. [7]Stage level predication
says something about the property of a referent that only holds momentarily;
individual level predicates predicate an inherent property of a
referent. [8]Probably, local and
global DCM are related. The difference between them is in the automatization of
the optimization procedure, as will be shown below. Unlike the names suggest,
the former could be seen as a generalization of the latter. |