Volume 10 Issue 1 (2012)
DOI:10.1349/PS1.1537-0852.A.406
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Degrees of Clause Cohesion: Complementation and Subordination In
Chiapas Zoque
Jan Terje Faarlund
University of Oslo
Zoque exhibits various degrees of interclausal cohesion or types of
embedding: juxtaposition, use of conjunctions, subordination with
complementizers, and synthetic subordination by head marking. These various
types of subordination are used for different clause types, such as complement
clauses, adverbial clauses, and relative clauses, and they are for the most part
native and precolonial in origin. Relative clauses may be formed by external or
internal relativization. The former type corresponds to constructions with a
nominal head and a clausal modifier, where the relativized element inside the
clause is invisible or represented by a relative pronoun. The latter type
corresponds to constructions where the relativized element is overtly present
inside the clause.
1. Introduction
The language referred to as Chiapas Zoque belongs to the
Zoquean branch of the Mixe-Zoque family, all spoken in Southern Mexico. It has a
very brief history as a literary language. Except for religious texts and a few
collections of folkloristic material, the use of the language in writing started
in the mid 1990’s. On the other hand, Zoque, as any other indigenous
language of Mexico or Central America, has been under heavy influence from
Spanish. In the area of sentence complementation and subordination, however,
whatever complexity there is seems to a large extent to be native and
precolonial.
Zoque is a morphologically ergative language, and in part even
syntactically ergative, except that there is not always a correspondence between
the absolutive argument and the pivot (for details, cf. FAARLUND 2011). The
ergative case of full nominals is marked with the clitic element
‘is, while the absolutive is zero marked. In pronouns both cases
are marked morphologically. In addition to those two grammatical cases, there is
a series of semantic cases, including local cases.
A typical morphological feature of the language is that such categories
as are expressed by means of inflection and affixation in other languages may be
expressed by clitics in Zoque. Clitics typically have a phrase as their domain.
A clitic is characterized by its ability to attach to different categories of
hosts, and by not always being required. In this way they differ from affixes.
Clitics are always
enclitics in Zoque, they follow their host and its
suffixes. Noun phrase clitics express case and number, and they attach to the
last word of the phrase (which is also in most cases the noun). Clausal clitics
attach to the head of the clause, and are of three different kinds: clitics
marking subordination, pronominal clitics (first person only), and various
circumstantial clitics. In this paper, I will only be concerned with clausal
clitics of subordination.
[1]
The
notion of head of a clause therefore needs a definition. Basically, the head is
the verb. The verb may, however, be preceded by an auxiliary, in which case the
auxiliary governs the verb and is the head of the clause and the host of clausal
clitics. The verb or the auxiliary may in turn be preceded by an uninflected
word, called preverb; this may either express progressive aspect, or it may be a
negation. If there is a preverb in the clause, it functions as its head.
Finally, if there is an indepentent complementizer word, it is the head of the
clause.
Zoque exhibits four kinds of subordination strategies, with different
degrees of cohesion or entrenchment.
- Juxtaposition
- Free word
complementizer or
wh-word
- Cliticized
complementizer
- Monoclausal
construction
At one extreme is simple juxtasposition; then there is
subordination by means of an independent introductory word, which may be a
complementizer or an interrogative word or phrase (
wh-word); then there
are synthetic constructions where the complementizer is cliticized to the head
of the clause; and finally we find monoclausal relative constructions, where the
head is incorporated into the relative clause (internal relativization). This
latter type has been further grammaticalized into focus constructions and
possessive constructions. These various categories were also present in the
traditional pre-colonial language before the contact with Spanish, as can be
witnessed from the very earliest descriptions of the language by the first
colonizers and missionaries, and from the earliest translations of religious
texts. As we will see, Zoque has native complementizers and other grammatical
means of subordination.
In this paper I will give examples and illustrations of each of these
subordination strategies, starting with a brief description of complement
clauses in section 2 and adverbial clauses in section 3. Both of those clause
types exhibit a variation in subordination strategies. In section 4, which is
the main body of the paper, I will demonstate how relative clauses must be
analysed as either external or internal, the latter representing the ultimate
degree of cohesion. Section 5 is the conclusion, pulling the different data
together.
2. Complement
Clauses
Verbs of perception (seeing, hearing etc.) may take object
clauses without a complementizer.
(1)
|
Te’yi
|
midu’muŋ
|
‘yisi
|
te’
|
tseke
|
nü’amuŋ
|
myidu
|
|
te’yi
|
min-u=am=‘uŋ
|
y-‘is-E
|
te’
|
tseke
|
nü=am=‘uŋ
|
y-min-u
|
|
then
|
INC-CP=PERF=EV
|
3A-see-DEP
|
DET
|
tortoise
|
PRG=PERF=EV
|
3A-come-PG
|
|
‘Then he realized that the tortoise was coming’
(Sabiduría 14, 62)
|
(2)
|
Midu’uŋ
|
myane
|
nü’amuŋ
|
kyojkxaju
|
aŋduŋ
|
|
mit-u=‘uŋ
|
y-man-E
|
nü=am=‘uŋ
|
y-koks-yaj-u
|
aŋduŋ
|
|
INC-CP=EV
|
3A-hear-DEP
|
PRG=PERF=EV
|
3A-knock-3PL-PG
|
door
|
|
‘She suddenly heard that someone knocked on the door’
(Bolom 247)
|
These constructions have very much the same function as
English small clauses governed by a verb of perception, as in ‘She saw the
tortoise coming’. Syntactically they are very different, however. Zoque
does not have non-finite verbs; the second verb in each example,
myidu
and
kyojkxaju, both have person inflection and a mood-aspect suffix.
Furthermore, there is no indication that the subject of the second verb has an
object role relative to the preceding verb (as in English ‘She saw
him coming’). In (1) the second subject is in the absolutive, but
that is because it is the subject of the following intransitive verb -- with
absolutive agreement -- not because it is the object of the preceding verb.
Accordingly, in (2), the second verb has ergative agreement.
More commonly, however, the complements of such verbs are introduced by
the complementizer
ke (< Spanish
que), as in (3). This is now
also the general rule with verbs which mean to say, tell, think, want, know,
etc., as in (4) and (5).
(3)
|
Y-ijsu’munn
|
ke
|
suñimü
|
ijtu
|
|
y-‘is-u=am=‘uŋ=te
|
ke
|
suñi=mü
|
Ø-’it-u
|
|
3A-see-CP=PERF=EV
|
C
|
good=LOC
|
3B-be-CP
|
|
‘He saw that he was in a good place’ (Historia
70)
|
(4)
|
Yüti
|
ndeke
|
nübyajpa
|
ke
|
makamuŋ
|
püngedi
|
yü
|
ame
|
|
yüti
|
ndeke
|
Ø-nüm-yaj-pa
|
ke
|
maŋ-pa=am=‘uŋ
|
Ø-püŋ-ke’t-E
|
yü’
|
ame
|
|
now
|
also
|
3B-say-3PL-ICP
|
C
|
FUT-ICP=PERF=EV
|
3B-erupt-REP-DEP
|
PRX
|
year
|
|
‘Now they also say that it is going to erupt again this
year’ (Ocotepec)
|
(5)
|
Nüdi'ande
|
mjamubü
|
ke
|
jomide
|
ta’nbabü
|
m’ame
|
|
nü=ti=am=te
|
m-jam-u=pü
|
ke
|
jomi=te
|
Ø-ta’n-pa=pü
|
m-ame
|
|
PRG=LIM=PERF=PRED
|
2A-remember-G=REL
|
C
|
tomorrow=PRED
|
3B-fulfill-ICP=REL
|
2A-year
|
|
‘Do you remember that tomorrow is your birthday’
(Sabiduría 7, 29)
|
This then looks like a situation where a formal mark of
subordination was borrowed from the colonizer language where none existed in the
native language. This is not correct, however. Zoque did not lack
complementizers before the colonization, either. One native complementizer is
uka, which is found in the oldest Zoque texts, from the 17
th
century, mostly in the sense of ‘if’ or ‘or’. Today,
too, it most often translates as ‘if’, both as a conditional and in
indirect questions (cf. section 3.3), but it is also used to introduce
complements of verbs which imply doubt or insecurity.
(6)
|
Ji’na’ajk
|
myuxe
|
uka
|
maka
|
püwi
|
te’
|
bolkan
|
|
ji’n=na’ak
|
y-mus-yaj-E
|
uka
|
maŋ-pa
|
Ø-püŋ-E
|
te’
|
bolkan
|
|
NEG=PST
|
3A-know-3PL-DEP
|
if
|
FUT-ICP
|
3B-erupt-DEP
|
DET
|
volcano
|
|
‘They did not know whether the volcano was going to erupt’
(Ocotepec)
|
(7)
|
Te’
|
pobrebü
|
gyomo’is
|
kyomübya’ujn
|
|
|
te’
|
pobre=pü
|
y-yomo=‘is
|
y-komüy-pa=‘uŋ
|
|
|
DET
|
poor=REL
|
3A-wife=ERG
|
3A-assume-ICP=EV
|
|
|
uka
|
nüde
|
gyojsubü
|
te’
|
jyaya
|
|
uka
|
nü=te
|
y-yos-u=pü
|
te’
|
y-jaya
|
|
if
|
PRG=PRED
|
3A-work-PG=REL
|
DET
|
3A-husband
|
|
‘The poor wife assumed that her husband was working’
(Historia 74)
|
The most important native complementizer is
wa’a, which also goes back to the earliest texts. It is followed by
the subjunctive form of the verb, and it serves various functions. It may
introduce complements of verbs meaning ‘want’, ‘order’,
or ‘tell someone to’.
(8)
|
Ji’namüjt
|
suni
|
wa’a
|
pyüku
|
|
ji’n=am=‘üj-t
|
n-sun-E
|
wa’a
|
y-püŋ-u
|
|
NEG=PERF=PRO1-ERG
|
1A-want-DEP
|
SC
|
3A-erupt-SUB
|
|
‘I don’t want it [the volcano] to erupt’
(Ocotepec)
|
(9)
|
Te’
|
gyomo’is
|
myajkmaku’ujn
|
wa’a
|
maku
|
gyojse
|
|
te’
|
y-yomo=‘is
|
y-makmak-u=‘uŋ
|
wa’a
|
maŋ-u
|
y-yos-E
|
|
DET
|
3A-wife=ERG
|
3A-demand-CP=EV
|
SC
|
go-SUB
|
3A-work-DEP
|
|
‘His wife demanded that he went to work’ (Historia
74)
|
The complementizer
wa’a is also used to
introduce clausal subjects.
(10)
|
Te’
|
suñipüde
|
wa’
|
musu
|
yajk ona
|
te’
|
todo jaye
|
|
te’
|
Ø-suñi=pü=te
|
wa’a
|
mus-u
|
y-yak-on-A
|
te’
|
todo-jaye
|
|
DET
|
3B-nice=REL=PRED
|
SC
|
can-SUB
|
3A-CAUS-speak-SUB
|
DET
|
paper-script
|
|
‘It is a good thing to be able to read’ (Bolom
239)
[2]
|
(11)
|
Wa’a
|
Sapatista’aju
|
ji’nde
|
kowa
|
|
wa’a
|
Ø-sapatista-’aj-u
|
ji’n-te
|
kowa
|
|
SC
|
3B-sapatista-INCV-SUB
|
NEG=PRED
|
crime
|
|
‘Being a Zapatista is not a crime’
|
The introduction of the Spanish
ke thus did not
create new syntactic patterns, it just expanded the inventory of existing
complementizers. Nor did it replace any of the old ones (as far as we know), it
just optionally replaced the null complementizer.
3. Adverbial
Clauses
3.1 Cliticized
Complementizers
Adverbial clauses expressing time, place, cause, or manner
may be marked by a clitic attached to the head of the clause. This type is
clearly native; it has no forebears in any colonizer language. The
complementizer clitics for place and manner are identical to semantic case
endings; the clitics for time and cause are separate clitics not used in other
functions.
The head of a temporal clause may carry the clitic ‘
k
‘when’, as in (12), or the complex clitic
seŋomo
‘until’, as in (13).
(12)
|
maka’kam
|
pü’naje
|
te’
|
ngomi
|
|
maŋ-pa=
’k=am
|
Ø-pün-‘aj-E
|
te’
|
n-komi
|
|
FUT-ICP=TSUB=PERF
|
3B-man-INCV-DEP
|
DET
|
1A-saint
|
|
‘then when our Lord is going to be born’
(Ocotepec)
|
(13)
|
De
|
tsujk
|
ujku’uŋ
|
ükbajkujseŋomo
|
|
te’
|
tsuk
|
Ø-’uk-u=’uŋ
|
Ø-’ükpak-u=
seŋomo
|
|
DET
|
mouse
|
3B-eat-CP=EV
|
3B-fall.asleep-CP=until
|
|
‘The mouse ate until he fell asleep’ (Kak 17)
|
In (12) the clitic is attached to the future auxiliary
maka, and followed by the perfective clitic
am. In (13) there is
no auxiliary in the subordinate clause, therefore the clitic is attached to the
main verb
ükbajku ‘fell asleep’.
The head of a causal adverbial clause is marked by the clitic
aŋkü
, as in (14), where it is attached to the verb
ndochüjkpa ‘you abuse me’.
(14)
|
Jene’tsi
|
ndochüjkpa’ankü
|
maka’tsi
|
idi
|
üj
|
nanaji’ŋ
|
|
jene=‘tsi
|
m-tochük-pa=
aŋkü
|
maŋ-pa=‘tsi
|
Ø-’it-E
|
üj-Ø
|
n-nana=ji’ŋ
|
|
very=1ABS
|
2A-abuse-ICP=CSUB
|
FUT-ICP=1ABS
|
1B-stay-DEP
|
PRO1-GEN
|
1A-mother=COM
|
|
‘Because you are abusing me so much, I will go and stay with my
mother’ (Sabiduría 7, 29)
|
Clauses expressing the location of an event, corresponding
to headless adverbial relatives with ‘where’, are marked by the
locative case ending
mü on the head, as in (15), where the case
clitic is on the main verb
ijtyaju ‘was, stayed’.
(15)
|
Nu’ku
|
ijtyajumü
|
te’dam
|
|
Ø-nu’k-u
|
Ø-’it-yaj-u=
mü
|
te’=tam
|
|
3B-arrive-CP
|
3B-be-CP=LOC
|
DET-PL
|
|
‘He arrived at where they were’ (Bolom 267)
|
Clauses expressing manner are marked by the similative case
endig
se, as in (16), where the case clitic is attached to the
verb.
(16)
|
Chamjayu’uŋ
|
ngyomo
|
te’
|
mabaxüyuse
|
|
y-tsam-jay-u=’uŋ
|
y-yomo
|
te’
|
mabax-’üy-u=
se
|
|
3A-say-APP-CP=EV
|
3A-wife
|
DET
|
dream-V-CP=SIM
|
|
‘He told his wife how he had dreamt’ (Bolom 264)
|
3.2 Complementizer
Word
Another way of marking a subordinate clause is by means of a
free word complementizer at the beginning of the clause. As we have seen above,
Zoque possesses two common native complementizers:
uka ‘if’,
and
wa’a ‘in order to’.
(17)
|
Uka
|
ji’nüt
|
mbade
|
yüti’angüdi
|
makatsi
|
ka’e
|
|
uka
|
ji’n=‘üj-t
|
n-pa’t-E
|
yütiaŋgü=ti
|
maŋ-pa=’tsi
|
Ø-ka’-E
|
|
if
|
NEG=PRO1-ERG
|
1A-find-DEP
|
now=LIM
|
FUT-ICP=1ABS
|
1B-die-DEP
|
|
‘If I don’t find it at once I am going to die’
(Sabiduría 14, 61)
|
(18)
|
De
|
püt
|
nu’ku
|
wa
|
jyo’kyaju
|
de
|
kujmyü
|
|
te’
|
pün
|
Ø-nu’k-u
|
wa’a
|
y-jo’k-yaj-u
|
te’
|
kuy=mü
|
|
DET
|
man
|
3B-come-CP
|
SC
|
3A-wait-3PL-SUB
|
DET
|
tree=LOC
|
|
‘The man came to wait for them by the tree’
(Sabiduría 8, 10)
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
3.3 Interrogative
Word
An interrogative pronoun or adverb may be used to introduce
indirect questions, as in (19) and (20).
(19)
|
Dyosis
|
iyisu’uŋ
|
tiyü
|
chüjku
|
|
dyos=’is
|
y-’isu=’uŋ
|
tiyü
|
y-tsük-u
|
|
God=ERG
|
3A-see-CP=EV
|
what
|
3A-do-CP
|
|
‘God saw what he did’ (Bolom 257)
|
(20)
|
Te
|
ndxibu’is
|
myuspa
|
judü
|
ijtu
|
nü’
|
|
te’
|
n-chibu=’is
|
y-mus-pa
|
judü
|
Ø-it-u
|
nü’
|
|
DET
|
M-lamb=ERG
|
3A-know-ICP
|
where
|
3B-be-CP
|
water
|
|
‘The lamb knew where there was water’ (Sabiduría 14,
61)
|
Interrogative words are also used to introduce a kind of
headless relatives (‘whatever, anywhere’), as in (21). Besides the
locative clauses exemplified in (15), with a case clitic on the head of the
clause, adverbial relatives may also be introduced by an interrogative word, as
in (22).
(21)
|
Wijtpa’ujn-na’ajk
|
tumü
|
püt
|
mañabü
|
yempe
|
judü
|
byurroji’n
|
|
Ø-wit-pa=‘uŋ=na’ak
|
tumü
|
pün
|
maña=pü
|
yempe
|
judü
|
y-burro=ji’ŋ
|
|
3B-walk-ICP=EV=PST
|
one
|
man
|
clever=REL
|
any
|
where
|
3Adonkey=COM
|
|
‘A clever man was walking anywhere with his donkey’
(Historia 78)
|
(22)
|
Yü’se
|
tujku
|
tumnaka
|
Chiapajsis
|
kyojame’omo
|
kupngu’y
|
|
yü’=se
|
Ø-tuk-u
|
tumü-naka
|
chiapas=‘is
|
y-kojame=‘omo
|
kupkuy
|
|
PRX=SIM
|
3B-happen-CP
|
one-time
|
Chiapas=GEN
|
3A-interior=LOC
|
village
|
|
judü
|
tsapndüjpa
|
te’
|
ode
|
|
judü
|
Ø-tsam-tüj-pa
|
te’
|
ode
|
|
where
|
3B-speak-PAS-ICP
|
DET
|
language
|
|
‘This happened once in a village in Chiapas where they speak the
language’ (Sabiduría 5, 23)
|
This kind of clause is therefore formally identical to
indirect phrasal questions. Whether it is one or the other depends on the matrix
verb or on the context.
3.4 Spanish
Complementizers
Several complementizers of Spanish origin are used,
especially in the spoken language. The most common ones, alongside
que
discussed above, are
porke ‘because’,
aŋke
‘although’(<
aunque),
komo ‘as’,
kuando ‘when’,
astake ‘until’ (<
hasta que),
anteske ‘before’ (<
antes
que
).
(23)
|
Yüti
|
komo
|
müjamüjtside,
|
ijtu’a
|
üj
|
ngipsokuy
|
|
yüti
|
komo
|
Ø-müja=am=‘üj-tsi=te
|
Ø-ijt-u=am
|
üj-Ø
|
n-kipso-kuy
|
|
now
|
as
|
1B-big=PERF=PRO1-ABS=PRED
|
3B-be-CP=PERF
|
PRO1-GEN
|
1A-think-N
|
|
‘Now that I am big, I am able to think’
(Ocotepec)
|
(24)
|
Porke
|
kuando
|
tütmba,
|
tyütmbü’ba
|
puro
|
tumi’n
|
|
porke
|
kuando
|
Ø-tün-pa
|
y-tün-pü-pa
|
puro
|
tumi’n
|
|
because
|
when
|
3B-shit-ICP
|
3A-shit-CL-ICP
|
pure
|
money
|
|
‘Because when it shits, it shits pure money’ (Historia
78)
|
4.
Relative Clauses
4.1 External
Relativization
Relative clauses where a nominal element is relativized are
formed by cliticizing the relativizer
pü to the head of the clause.
There is no relative pronoun or free complementizer word available for this
function, and there is no trace of Spanish influence. When the relative
construction has the role of a transitive subject in the matrix clause, the
construction gets the ergative clitic, generally attached to the head noun --
henceforth referred to as the
antecedent -- as in (26).
(25)
|
Teyi
|
pya’chotsu’uŋ
|
witpü
|
tsi’
|
ka’ubü
|
|
te’yi
|
y-pa’t-tso’ts-u=‘uŋ
|
wit=pü
|
tsi’
|
Ø-ka’-u=pü
|
|
then
|
3A-find-begin-CP=EV
|
first=REL
|
opossum
|
3B-die-CP=REL
|
|
‘Then he found the first opossum who had died’
(Sabiduría 14, 63)
|
(26)
|
Tü’ük
|
midupü
|
yomo’is
|
‘yispükpa
|
üj
|
nana
|
|
tü’ük
|
Ø-min-u=pü
|
yomo=’is
|
y-’ispük-pa
|
üj-Ø
|
n-nana
|
|
yesterday
|
3B-come-CP=REL
|
woman=ERG
|
3A-know-ICP
|
PRO1-GEN
|
1A-mother
|
|
‘The woman who came yesterday knows my mother’
|
As is common in relative constructions cross-linguistically,
the relativized phrase – the shared element – is represented by an
empty position inside the relative clause. In Zoque the case marker is a clitic,
and this gives rise to a peculiar situation; in sentences where the relativized
element has the role of a transitive subject within the relative clause, the
case clitic does not disappear with the noun phrase; instead it is stranded
inside the relative clause. Since it is a clitic, it needs a host, and attaches
to the relativizer
pü.
(27)
|
Mye’chajpa
|
tyüdam
|
makabü’is
|
ñütsüjkye
|
te’
|
ku’tkuy
|
|
y-me’ts-yaj-pa
|
y-tü-tam
|
maŋ-pa=pü=‘is
|
y-nütsük-yaj-E
|
te’
|
ku’tkuy
|
|
3A-search-3PL-ICP
|
3A-friend=PL
|
FUT-ICP=REL=ERG
|
3A-make-3PL-DEP
|
DET
|
food
|
|
‘They are looking for their friends who are going to help prepare
the food’ (Ocotepec)
|
In (27) the relativized phrase,
tyüdam
‘their friends’, has the role of transitive subject in the relative
clause, and would therefore have been in the ergative. The noun itself is
omitted, as expected, but the ergative clitic
‘is remains, added to
the realtivizer
pü, which itself is a clitic on the head of the
relative clause, the future auxiliary
maka, resulting in the complete
auxiliary
makabü’is.
The type of relative construction exemplified so far may be referred to
as
external relativization. The shared element
is expressed as the
head noun outside the relative clause, and its case marking depends on its
function in the matrix clause.
4.2 Internal
Relativization
In addition to the familiar external relativization type,
Zoque also exhibits what may be called
internal relativization. Here the
shared element is overtly present inside the relative clause, and there is no
overt antecedent outside. Cross-linguistically and typologically, languages seem
to prefer one or the other of those two strategies (BIANCHI 1999, COLE 1987,
COLE & HERMON 1994, ÅFARLI 1994). Zoque seems to be quite unusual in
that we find both strategies in one and the same language. Although external
realtivization seems to be most common in written texts, speakers often produce
internal relativization during elicitation.
The difference between the two relativization strategies in Zoque can
best be seen when either the relative construction or the relativized element
inside the clause has a function where it would be overtly case marked (i.e. in
another case than the absolutive, which is zero marked). With internal
relativization the shared element is case marked for the function that it has
inside the relative clause, regardless of the function of the relative
construction in the matrix clause. Contrast (26), repeated here as (28a), with
external relativization, and (28b), with internal. (Both sentences are elicited
from native speakers. The relative construction in each example is
underscored).
(28a)
|
Tü’ük
|
midubü
|
te’
|
yomo’is
|
‘yispükpa
|
üj
|
nana
|
|
tü’ük
|
Ø-min-u=pü
|
te’
|
yomo=’is
|
y-’isp-ük-pa
|
üj-Ø
|
n-nana
|
|
yesterday
|
3B-come-CP=REL
|
DET
|
woman=ERG
|
3A-know-ICP
|
PRO1-GEN
|
1A-mother
|
|
‘The woman who came yesterday knows my mother’
|
(28b)
|
Te’
|
yomo
|
midubü
|
tü’üjk
|
‘yispükpa
|
üj
|
nana
|
|
te’
|
yomo
|
Ø-min-u=pü
|
tü’ük
|
y-’isp-ük-pa
|
üj-Ø
|
n-nana
|
|
DET
|
woman
|
3B-come-CP=REL
|
yesterday
|
3A-know-ICP
|
PRO1-GEN
|
1A-mother
|
|
‘The woman who came yesterday knows my mother’
|
The two types of relativization can be illustrated as in
(29a-b). Note that the relativizer
pü is also a clitic, and attaches
to the verb.
(29)
|
a. External
|
|
[
NP[ yomo]
CP[
IP[midu
yomo] pü]]]
|
|
yomo midubü
|
|
‘woman who came’
|
|
b. Internal
|
|
NP[
CP[
IP[midu yomo]
pü]]
|
|
midubü yomo
|
|
‘woman who came’
|
Internal relativization is particularly common in a type of
cleft sentence. Zoque clefts are formed very much according to the same pattern
as pseudo-clefts in English (FAARLUND 2007). An English pseudo-cleft sentence
consists of a focused element, typically a DP, predicated of a relative clause:
What I want is a horse. The difference is that Zoque does not have
relative clauses introduced by wh-words or complementizers, and it lacks copula
verbs. Non-verbal sentences are formed by adding the clitic
te to the
nominal predicate.
[3]
(30)
|
Te’
|
wi’nabü
|
testamentu
|
wi’nabü
|
odede
|
|
te’
|
wi’na=pü
|
testamentu
|
wi’na=pü
|
Ø-’ode=te
|
|
DET
|
old=REL
|
testament
|
old=REL
|
3B-word=PRED
|
|
‘The old testament is the old word’ (Ocotepec)
|
Cleft sentences are then formed by adding the predicate
clitic to the clefted element, and adding a relative clause. The clefted element
has the case required by its function in the relative clause, in other words,
internal relativization.
(31)
|
Te’iste
|
makabü
|
chükye
|
te’
|
sük
|
|
Ø-te’=‘is=te
|
maŋ-pa=pü
|
y-tsük-yaj-E
|
te’
|
süŋ
|
|
3B-DET=ERG=PRED
|
FUT-ICP=REL
|
3A-make-3PL-DEP
|
DET
|
fiesta
|
|
‘It is they who will make the fiesta’ (Ocotepec)
|
(32)
|
Yempe
|
isuŋde
|
iyijspabü
|
|
yempe
|
i=’is=uŋ=te
|
y-’is-pa=bü
|
|
any
|
some=ERG=EV=PRED
|
3A-see-ICP=REL
|
|
‘There were many who saw her’ (Bolom 267)
|
In (31)
te’ is the clefted or focused element.
Although it is the subject of an intransitive nominal predicate, it carries the
ergative marker
‘is, the reason being that it is the subject of a
transitive verb in the relative clause. Similarly in (32), the word for
‘some’,
i (which in combination with the general quantifier
yempe means ‘many’) has the ergative clitic added to it
because it is also the subject of ‘see’.
If the internal relative construction has the role of transitive subject
in the matrix clause, it may optionally carry the ergative clitic.
(33)
|
Te’
|
tsü’yubüis
|
ñajayu’ujn
|
te’
|
kotsüjk
|
wa’a
|
ianga’mu
|
|
te’
|
Ø-tsü’y-u=pü=‘is
|
y-na-jay-u=‘uŋ
|
te’
|
kotsük
|
wa’a
|
y-‘anga’m-u
|
|
DET
|
3B-stay-CP=REL=ERG
|
3A-tell-APP-CP=EV
|
DET
|
mountain
|
SC
|
3A-close-SUB
|
|
‘The one who stayed told the mountain to close itself’
(Historia 72)
|
Here an ergative clitic is added to the entire clause
,
te’ tsü’yubü
; this clause functions as the subject of
the matrix transitive clause. Instead of a relative clause adjoined to a head
noun as an antecedent, the head noun is inside the relative clause. The result
is a monoclausal construction, with a stronger cohesion between the head and the
rest of the clause.
I have no certain data on the history of the monoclausal relatives,
except that I have not been able to find any examples of such constructions in
older documents. It would be plausible, however, to consider them instances of a
development towards stronger cohesion, considering that in such a monoclausal
construction the break between the head and its complement is
abolished.
4.3 Focus
Constructions
The clefted elements described in the previous section as
non-verbal predicates with the predicator clitic
te, are marked as focus
elements. In such a construction the relativizer
pü may be omitted.
There is then nothing left to mark the structure as biclausal. The focused
element is left with the original predicator as a pure focus marker.
(34)
|
Chamjayu’un
|
te’
|
gyomo
|
tiyüte
|
tuku
|
|
y-tsam-jay-u=‘uŋ
|
te’
|
y-yomo
|
tiyü’=te
|
Ø-tuk-u
|
|
3A-tell-APP-CP=EV
|
DET
|
3A-wife
|
what=PRED
|
3B-happen-CP
|
|
‘He told his wife what happened’ (Historia 221)
|
As the next step, the focus marker
te can be used
with any phrase type, such as an interrogative word, (35), or even a verb, (36).
(For more details, see FAARLUND 2007).
(35)
|
Tiyande
|
oyu
|
muki?
|
|
tiyam=te
|
oy-u
|
m-muk-E
|
|
what=FOC
|
TER-CP
|
2A-measure-DEP
|
|
‘What are you measuring?’ (Historia 70)
|
(36)
|
Kejkunde
|
najsomo
|
|
Ø-kek-u=‘uŋ=te
|
nas=‘omo
|
|
3B-fall-CP=EV=FOC
|
ground=LOC
|
|
‘He fell to the ground’ (Sabiduría 8, 10)
|
5. Discussion and
Conclusion
Zoque is a language with a very recent history of literacy,
and very few of its speakers are literate in their own language. Its structure
and complexity can therefore be assumed to be that of a non-literate language.
This is in contrast to a widespread assumption even among professional linguists
that literacy increases syntactic complexity (as an example of this view, see
several of the papers in SAMPSON et al. 2009). We have seen above that the
language has - and has had since the time of colonization - syntactic resources
for various degrees of complexity. The language exhibits a wide variety of
subordination strategies, from simple juxtaposition with no overt
complementizer, through independent complementizer words and
wh-words, to
cliticized complementizers. As an endpoint we may consider the monoclausal
relative constructions which have developed into focus constructions.
None of this variety is due to influence from the colonizer
language. There has been a certain Spanish influence in parts of the grammar of
embedding, mainly in terms of lexical items, but it is not possible to say that
this influence has lead to a higher degree of grammatical cohesion. The Spanish
influence on Zoque dependent clause constructions has not significantly changed
already existing patterns. With the exception of the conjunction i, which
had no equivalent in the precolonial language, the influence is limited to
expanding the inventory of complementizer words. We have no clear evidence in
support of the often-made claim of a correlation between the depth of embedding
or clause cohesion and the degree of literacy.
Spelling
Convention
Most of the letters have the expected value corresponding to
Spanish orthography, but note in particular:
The vowels <a, e, i, o, u> always have the short value
and are pronounced close to the Spanish equivalents.
<ü> is a mid central vowel
[Λ].
<y> and <w> are semivowels.
<g> is always a voiced stop.
<ch> is an affricate, as in English and Spanish.
<x> is [š.
<j> is [h].
<’> is a glottal stop.
Abbreviations
1: 1
ST PERSON; 2: 2
ND PERSON; 3:
3
RD PERSON; 1ABS: 1st person absolutive; 1ERG: 1st person ergative;
1I: 1st person inclusive; A: series A prefix; B: series B prefix; C:
complementizer; CAUS: causative prefix; CL: completely; COM: comitative case;
CP: completive aspect; CSUB: causal subordinative; DEP: dependent verb; DET:
determiner; ERG: ergative case; EV: evidential; FUT: future auxiliary; GEN:
genitive; ICP: incompletive aspect; INC: inchoative auxiliary; INCV: inchoative
verbal suffix; NEG: negation; IPL: 1st person inclusive plural; LIM:
limitational; LOC: locative case; PAS: passive; PERF: perfective aspect; PG:
progressive suffix; PL: plural; PRED: predicator; PRG: progressive preverb; PRO:
pronoun; PROI: 1st person inclusive pronoun; PRX: proximal demonstrative; PST:
past; REL: relativizer; REP: repetitive; SC: subjunctive complementizer; SIM:
similative case; SUB: subjunctive; TER: terminative auxiliary; TSUB: temporal
subordinative; V: verbalizer
In the glossses, a hyphen ’-‘ separates affixes
and compounds, an equal sign ’=’ separates clitics from their
host.
Sources
Bolom
|
Y el Bolom dice … Antología de cuentos, vol. II.
Gobierno del Estado de Chiapas, 2000.
|
Cuentos
|
Cuentos y relatos indígenas. Vol. 6. Universidad Nacional
Autónoma de México, 1997.
|
Gramática
|
Gramática de la lengua zoque. Gobierno del estado, Tuxtla
Gutiérrez, Chiapas.
|
Historia
|
Silvia Perez Bravo, Sergio Lopez Morales:
Breve historia oral
zoque
. Gobierno del Estado, Chiapas. 1. ed. 1985.
|
Kak
|
Y te’ kak nümba. Seleccción de cuentos zoques.
Gobierno del Estado de Chiapas, 2001.
|
Ocotepec
|
Recording made by the author in the village of Ocotepec, December
1996.
|
Sabiduría
|
Nuestra sabiduría. CELALI y Unidad de Escritores
Mayas-Zoques.
|
Where no source is given, the example has been elicited from
Zoque speakers from Ocotepec or Tapalapa.
References
Åfarli, Tor A. 1994. A promotion analysis of restrictive
relative clauses, in The Linguistic Review 11, 81-100. doi:10.1515/tlir.1994.11.2.81
Bianchi, Valentina. 1999. Consequences of Antisymmetry. Headed
Relative Clauses. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Cole, Peter. 1987. The structure of internally headed relative
clauses, in: Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 5, 288-302. doi:10.1007/bf00166587
Cole, Peter & Hermon, Gabriela. 1994. Is there LF Wh-movement?,
in: Linguistic Inquiry 25, 239-262.
Faarlund, Jan T. 2004. Clitics and morphological categories in
Zoque. CLS 38-2: The Panels. Proceedings from the Panels of the Thirty-eighth
Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, ed. by Mary Andronis, Erin Debenport,
Ann Pycha, and Keiko Yoshimura, 341-7. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic
Society.
-----. 2007. From Cleft Sentence to Morphological Focus Marker in
Zoque. Interpreting Utterances: Pragmatics and its Interfaces. Essays in honour
of Thorstein Fretheim, ed. by Randi A Nilsen, Nana Aba Appiah Amfo, and Kaja
Borthen, 221-230. Oslo: Novus.
-----. 2010. Review of Sampson et al. 2009. Language 86,
748-752.
-----. 2011. A Grammar of Chiapas Zoque. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Sampson, Geoffrey. 2009. A linguistic axiom challenged. Sampson et
al. 2009, 1-18.
Sampson, Geoffrey, David Gil, and Peter Trudgill (eds.) 2009.
Language Complexity as an Evolving Variable. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Author’s Contact Information:
Jan Terje Faarlund
Centre for the Study of Mind in Nature
P.O. Box 1020 Blindern
NO-0315 Oslo
Norway
j.t.faarlund@iln.uio.no
[1]
For further details on
the other types of clitics, see Faarlund 2004 and 2012.
[2]
The Zoques show an
impressive creativity when it comes to coining native words for new concepts.
Thus to read is to ‘make the paper talk’.
[3]
Originally, and still
occasionally, non-verbal clauses were formed by simply juxtaposing the subject
and the predicate. Non-verbal predicates are intransitive, so the subject would
be in the absolutive and follow the verb, according to the general principles of
unmarked word order in Zoque. Eventually the determiner
te’, which
would serve as a postposed subject, was grammaticalized and became a clitic,
added to the predicate word.
|