Volume 8 Issue 1 (2010)
DOI:10.1349/PS1.1537-0852.A.363
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Cognitive Mechanisms Need to Be Operationalized
Comment on ‘Semantic Maps and Mental Representation’
by Sonia Cristofaro (2010)
Remi van Trijp
Sony Computer Science Laboratory, Paris
Cristofaro (2010) voices a growing trend within
cognitive-functional linguistics to explain language universals in terms of
productive processes in language use rather than in terms of universal
conceptual representations. Such mechanisms include metonymy and generalization.
Even though I fully agree with this general approach, the proposed mechanisms
remain too fuzzy and incomplete to shed new light on the matter of mental
representations. This is not so much a criticism directed at Cristofaro as it is
a plea for coupling empirical observations to computational models: formal
modeling is the only way to
demonstrate the validity and completeness of
any linguistic theory, and hence forms a crucial part of empirical
science.
Let me illustrate the limits of verbal theorizing through
“generalization”, a mechanism proposed by various cognitive
linguists and explained by Cristofaro (2010) in section 2.2. Cristofaro writes
that generalization “is the loss of some of the meaning features
associated with a grammatical form, with the consequent expansion of the range
of appropriate contexts of use for that form.” She argues that, for
example,
be going to could generalize into a future marker because a
motion is always directed towards a point in the future, so the expression
already contained futurity in its meaning. However, from what is known through
computational linguistics, machine learning, and multi-agent experiments in
artificial intelligence, this definition of “generalization” is
problematic for various reasons.
The first problem is that ambiguous contexts do not require such a
meaning shift if the target meaning “is already there”. Concrete
computational models, such as Memory-Based Language Processing (Daelemans and
van den Bosch 2005), have shown that generalization is possible
without
abstraction: novel instances can be correctly classified and processed through
similarity-based reasoning over stored exemplars. In fact, exemplar-based models
turn out to be more robust because making abstractions can be harmful to a
language user’s performance. So the proposal that ambiguous contexts
invite language users to perform meaning shifts does not explain
why
speakers would prefer this “risky” strategy over robust
classifications which remain faithful to previous
successful uses of a
word or construction.
The mechanism of “generalization as a loss of meaning” also
does not explain how such innovations could ever be propagated in a linguistic
community and hence become the new convention in a language. In fact, the issue
of propagation poses severe constraints on plausible innovation processes, as
demonstrated by multi-agent experiments on the evolution of language (e.g.
Steels 1996). These experiments show that language users can never innovate with
the certainty that other language users will somehow make the same innovation.
Rather than shifting the meaning of a specific construction (or word), a
language user must maintain several exemplars in his memory at the same time
with various degrees of entrenchment in order to stay in sync with the rest of
the population, and to achieve a robust linguistic performance. This would be in
line with the observation of “synchronic layering” (Hopper and
Traugott 1993: section 5.5), i.e., that speakers keep on using both the
“old” and the “new” use of a construction for a long
time.
Finally, loss of meaning does not lead to “more
grammaticalized” behavior or (cross-linguistically recurrent) patterns of
multifunctionality. This is clearly demonstrated in experiments on flexible word
meaning by Wellens (2008) and Wellens, Loetzsch and Steels (2008), in which
artificial agents adapt the meaning features of words if this is required for
reaching communicative success in certain contexts. In the experiments, some
words indeed lose specific lexical features, but they still remain lexical
items. Other words, however, become richer in meaning features if this is
required by the communicative contexts in which they occur. The experiments thus
show that the ability to shift the meaning of a word (a) does not automatically
imply that it takes on additional grammatical properties, (b) cannot explain the
directionality of grammaticalization, and (c) does not automatically lead to an
expansion of the contexts in which a word can occur (but rather to a shift of
contexts). What it ultimately shows is that this particular mechanism of
generalization implicitly assumes a so-called “Gesamtbedeutung” for
categories, whereas grammar requires a “polysemy” or “usage
type” approach (Croft 1991:1). Neither Cristofaro (2010) nor any of her
cited sources would ever describe grammar in terms of “Gesamtbedeutung
definitions”, but this is an overlooked consequence of the generalization
mechanism they propose.
As already mentioned at the beginning of this commentary, I strongly
agree with the general hypothesis that patterns of multifunctionality are the
result of dynamic processes in communicative interactions. However, as the above
discussion indicates, empirical observations only show the
result (e.g.
generalization) of certain processes, but not the actual processes themselves.
Linguists therefore need to combine their empirical observations with
computational or mathematical models and robotic experiments which can
demonstrate these processes in action. A particularly interesting approach has
been pioneered by Steels (1996), who argues that language should be seen as a
complex adaptive system (see Steels 2000 for a summary of this view) in which a
community of language users have to collectively solve the problem of developing
a shared communication system. Steels proposes concrete operationalizations of
abstract mechanisms (usually inspired by biological systems) such as
self-organization, selectionism, co-evolution through structural coupling,
reinforcement learning, and level formation. Experiments on the evolution of
grammar have already demonstrated that for example generalization can be a
side-effect of such dynamic processes in locally distributed
communicative interactions rather than the mechanism responsible for
multifunctionality (Steels 2004; van Trijp 2010). So in order to devise a truly
explanatory theory of linguistic universals, we need to unravel the abstract
processes that only indirectly manifest themselves in the observed
facts.
References
Cristofaro, Sonia. 2010. Semantic maps and mental representation.
Linguistic Discovery, this issue. doi:10.1349/ps1.1537-0852.a.345
Croft, William. 1991. Syntactic categories and grammatical
relations: The cognitive organization of information. Chicago: Chicago
University Press.
Daelemans, Walter and Antal van den Bosch. 2005. Memory-based
language processing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hopper, Paul J. and Elizabeth Closs Traugott. 1993.
Grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Steels, Luc. 1996. A self-organizing spatial vocabulary. Artificial
Life Journal 2/3.319-332. doi:10.1162/artl.1995.2.319
-----. 2000. Language as a complex adaptive system.
Proceedings of PPSN VI, ed. by M. Schoenauer, 17-26. Berlin:
Springer.
-----. 2004. The constructivist development of grounded
construction grammars. Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Association for
Computational Linguistics. ACL, ed. by W. Daelemans.
van Trijp, Remi. 2010. Grammaticalization and semantic maps:
Evidence from artificial language evolution. Linguistic Discovery, this
issue. doi:10.1349/ps1.1537-0852.a.355
Wellens, Pieter. 2008. Coping with combinatorial uncertainty in
word learning: A flexible usage-based model. The evolution of language.
Proceedings of the 7th International Conference on the Evolution of Language,
ed. by A.D.M. Smith, K. Smith and R.F. i Cancho, 370-377. Singapore: World
Scientific.
Wellens, Pieter, Martin Loetzsch and Luc Steels. 2008. Flexible
word meaning in embodied agents. Connection Science 20/2.173-191. doi:10.1080/09540090802091966
Author’s contact information:
Remi van Trijp
Sony Computer Science Laboratory Paris
6 Rue Amyot
75005 Paris (France)
remi@csl.sony.fr
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