Volume 3 Issue 1 (2005)
DOI:10.1349/PS1.1537-0852.A.282
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A Typological Overview of the Seri Language
Stephen A. Marlett
SIL International
This paper presents a concise overview of some typological
characteristics of Seri, a language isolate spoken in northwestern
Mexico.[1] Glosses are given word by
word only when indicated by precise alignment; otherwise they are given phrase
by phrase.[2] References to various
more detailed descriptive works on Seri are not indicated in the text itself;
one may consult the references at the end since the titles clearly indicate the
content. The data are cited in the practical orthography (see §5 for
details on the sounds).
1. Syntactic
typology
Seri is generally head-final. This fact is reflected in
various ways in the grammar as shown below and summarized in Table
1.[3]
Table 1: Head-final characteristics of
Seri
1.
|
Dependent Clause, Main Clause
|
Adverbial clause precedes main clause.
|
2.
|
Complement Verb
|
Complement NP precedes verb.
|
3.
|
Complement Postposition
|
Complement NP precedes postposition.
|
4.
|
Clause Conjunction
|
Subordinate clause precedes subordinating conjunction.
|
5.
|
Lexical Verb, Auxiliary
|
Lexical verb precedes auxiliary verb.
|
6.
|
Noun Phrase, Noun
|
Possessor noun phrase precedes possessed noun.
|
7.
|
Material Noun
|
Noun indicating material precedes head noun.
|
8.
|
Noun Phrase, Pronoun
|
NP precedes pronoun in partitive expression.
|
9.
|
Adverb Verb
|
Adverb precedes verb.
|
10.
|
Nominal Determiner
|
Determiner is phrase-final.
|
First, main clauses typically follow dependent clauses (except purpose
clauses).
(1)
|
Dependent
|
Main
|
|
Caay cap yeen cap ipocáat x,
|
anxö ma saai haa hi.
|
|
(if) the horse swings its head
|
it will injure you
|
|
‘That horse is going to injure you if it swings its head.’
(DS2005, ccaat)
|
|
|
Second, a complement (noun phrase or clause) precedes the verb to which
it is related.
(2)
|
Complement
|
Verb
|
|
yeen cap
|
ipocáat x,
|
|
its face
|
(if) it swings it
|
|
‘... if it swings its head, ...’ (DS2005,
ccaat)
|
(3)
|
Complement
|
Verb
|
|
Hant miisaquim
|
ihmíimzo.
|
|
your sweeping the floor
|
I want it
|
|
‘I want you to sweep the floor.’ (DS2005,
quisaquim)
|
(4)
|
Subject
|
Complement
|
Verb
|
|
Siip cop
|
iionam quij
|
iyáaihjö.
|
|
the young man
|
his/her hat
|
s/he painted it red
|
|
‘The young man painted his hat red.’ (DS2005,
caaihjö)
|
The preceding example is also an appropriate example to
illustrate the basic SOV order of constituents in the clause; the subject
precedes the complement of the verb.
Third, a complement noun phrase precedes a
postposition.[4]
(5)
|
Complement
|
Postposition
|
|
|
Hast
|
ano
|
ctam
|
|
San Esteban Island
|
in/from
|
man
|
|
‘San Esteban Island man’ (more literally, ‘man
in/from the mountain’) (DS2005)
|
The preceding example also illustrates the rather rare case
in Seri of a PP complement modifying a noun; as expected, the PP precedes the
noun that it modifies.
Fourth, a clause precedes a conjunction to which it is related as its
complement.
(6)
|
Complement
|
Conjunction
|
|
|
Taapl
|
xox,
|
ihyóohit.
|
|
it was cold
|
although
|
I ate it
|
|
‘Although it was cold, I ate it.’ (DS2005,
xox)
|
Fifth, a lexical verb precedes an auxiliary verb (although auxiliary
verbs are not at all similar to those of Indo-European auxiliaries).
(7)
|
Verb
|
Auxiliary
|
|
|
Siifp
|
ca
|
teme.
|
|
will arrive
|
|
s/he says
|
|
‘S/he says that s/he will arrive.’ (DS2005,
ca)
|
Sixth, a possessor noun phrase precedes the possessed noun.
(8)
|
Possessor
|
Possessed
|
|
|
[ cocázni com ]
|
ilít
|
quij
|
|
the rattlesnake
|
its head
|
the
|
|
‘the rattlesnake’s head ...’ (DS2005,
cactim)
|
Seventh, a nominal which indicates the material from which an item is
made precedes the head noun.
(9)
|
Material
|
Noun
|
|
hast
|
hax
|
|
stone
|
arrow point
|
|
‘stone arrow point’ (DS2005, hax)
|
Eighth, a noun phrase (actually, a determiner phrase) precedes a pronoun
to form a partitive phrase.
(10)
|
NP
|
Pronoun
|
|
[ seaatoj tanticat ]
|
pac
|
|
the goats
|
some
|
|
some of the goats (DS2005, pac)
|
Ninth, an adverb precedes a
verb.[5]
(11)
|
Adverb
|
Verb
|
|
Miizj
|
ihmiya.
|
|
well
|
I know it
|
|
‘I know it well.’ (DS2005, miizj)
|
Tenth, a determiner is
phrase-final.[6]
(12)
|
Noun
|
Determiner
|
|
caay
|
cap
|
|
horse
|
the
|
|
‘the horse’ (DS2005, ccaat)
|
Seri is a pro-drop language. Pronominal participants of a
clause are typically expressed only through the agreement morphology on the
verb, whether finite or non-finite (with the exception noted
below),[7] although an independent
pronoun[8] may occasionally occur for
emphasis.
(13)
|
Iyáaihjö.
|
|
‘S/he painted it red.’ (DS2005,
caaihjö)
|
(14)
|
Hehe an
|
z
|
ano
|
mota,
|
toc
|
cömiiha
|
iti,
|
|
desert area
|
a
|
from
|
s/he came
|
there
|
his/her coming
|
on
|
|
|
haa
|
motat,
|
itcaiilam ma,
|
|
there
|
they came
|
they were shooting him/her
|
|
|
tooxquim,
|
tooxquim,
|
toc
|
cömoma.
|
|
s/he was shooting
|
s/he was shooting
|
there
|
s/he came
|
|
|
|
‘He was coming from the desert, (and) while he was
coming there, they were coming, they were shooting him, he was shooting,
he was shooting, he was coming there.’ (Hipocampo 9)
|
(15)
|
Comcáii
|
quih
|
him iházt
|
ixóomzo ...
|
|
woman
|
the
|
to.tattoo.me
|
s/he.wanted.it
|
|
‘The woman wanted to tattoo me, ...’ (DS2005,
quizt)
|
(16)
|
He
|
hin yomáxpx.
|
|
1st pronoun
|
s/he wasn’t mad at me
|
|
‘S/he wasn’t mad at me.’ (DS2005, caafin)
|
(17)
|
¡Ihpóocta!
|
|
‘Look at me!’ (DS2005, hpo-)
|
Imperative verbs do not take normal subject person
inflection; they are inflected in the imperative mood.
(18)
|
¡Ox
|
cmah!
|
c- (Imperative), m- (Negative)
|
|
thus
|
don’t do it!
|
|
|
‘Don’t do that!’
|
|
The subjects of atmospheric verbs are also non-overt.
(19)
|
Pomápca,
|
hax tama.[9]
|
|
it will not rain
|
I hope
|
|
‘I hope it doesn’t rain.’ (DS2005,
capca)
|
Pronouns are required in one situation: to express the
subject of an independent clause which does not have a finite verb. The
predicate is either a noun phrase without a verb, or it is a nominalized verb.
And demonstrative forms are commonly used in lieu of true third person
pronouns.
(20)
|
Demonstrative
|
Predicate NP
|
|
|
Tiix
|
ctam immátiscal
|
iha.
|
|
that.one
|
man who is not a braggart
|
Decl
|
|
‘He isn’t a braggart.’ (DS2005,
cmatiscal)
|
(21)
|
Pronoun
|
|
|
|
Nominalized Verb
|
|
|
He
|
Hezitmísoj
|
quij
|
ano
|
moca
|
ha.
|
|
I/we
|
Hermosillo
|
the
|
from it
|
one who comes
|
Decl
|
|
‘I have come from Hermosillo.’ (DS2005,
ano)
|
(22)
|
Pronoun
|
|
|
|
Nominalized Verb
|
|
|
He
|
María quih yaaco quih
|
halx
|
ano
|
siifp ca
|
ha.
|
|
I/we
|
Maria’s house
|
a bit
|
in it
|
one who will arrive
|
Decl
|
|
‘I am going to visit María’s house for a
moment.’ (DS2005, caafp)
|
Relative clauses (always nominalized) often appear to follow
the head in Seri, but virtually all of the examples could be analyzed as
head-internal relative clauses, and the rare case (such as (25) and (26)) must
be so analyzed. Therefore the following examples are bracketed as if they were
head-internal relatives. The head nouns are underlined. (Definite articles are
often used inside the noun phrase as a kind of linking device, I believe,
somewhat similar to Ezafeh, as seen in these examples and many others.)
(23)
|
[ ctam
|
canóaa
|
hoyáat
|
quexl ]
|
quih
|
|
man
|
boat
|
ours
|
the one who bought it
|
the
|
|
‘the man who bought our boat’
|
(24)
|
[ ziix
|
quih
|
hapáhit
|
quih
|
cacáaixaj ]
|
|
thing
|
the
|
what is eaten
|
the
|
what gives strength
|
|
‘something to eat that gives strength’ (DS2005,
cacáaixaj)
|
(25)
|
[ haaco
|
caacoj
|
cazíim
|
cmaa quiih ]
|
zo
|
|
house
|
what is big
|
what is beautiful
|
what is new
|
a
|
|
‘a big new beautiful house’ (DS2005,
caháacot)
|
(26)
|
[ María
|
quih
|
trooqui
|
eexl ]
|
quij
|
|
María
|
the
|
vehicle
|
what s/he bought
|
the
|
|
‘the vehicle that María bought’
|
(27)
|
[ cocsar
|
tanticat
|
canóaa
|
heeque
|
an
|
iihca ]
|
com
|
|
Mexicans
|
the
|
boat
|
small
|
in it
|
where they were
|
the
|
|
‘the small boat that the non-Indian Mexicans were traveling
in’
(DS2005, cocpémetx)
|
Yes-no questions require either a verb inflected in an
interrogative mood, or the question morpheme ya (written as a suffix in
the practical orthography) after the nominal predicate (which may be a
nominalized verb). They are otherwise not distinguished syntactically from
statements. A question is not well-formed solely using intonation.
(28)
|
¿Hax quih iiqui
|
tpam?
|
|
|
with water
|
is it swallowed?
|
t- (Interrogative Mood)
|
|
‘Is it swallowed with water?’ (DS2005,
iiqui)
|
(29)
|
¿Me
|
siitax
|
queeya?
|
|
|
you
|
one who will go
|
Aux-Interr
|
-ya (Interrogative)
|
|
‘Are you going to go?’ (DS2005, me)
|
(30)
|
¿Hastya?
|
|
|
‘Is it a stone?’
|
-ya (Interrogative)
|
(31)
|
¿Ctam
|
tiix
|
hatéiictim zo
|
ctaaiya?
|
|
man
|
that one
|
a piece of cloth
|
one who wears a kilt – Interrogative
|
|
‘Does that man wear a kilt?’ (DS2005,
ctaai)
|
A content question also requires a verb in the interrogative
mood or the question morpheme ya. The interrogative pronoun or adverb
most commonly occurs in preverbal position, although it also sometimes appears
in (roughly) sentence-initial position.
(32)
|
Canóaa com
|
¿quíih
|
yaaiya?
|
|
the boat
|
who(se)?
|
what s/he made – Interrogative
|
|
‘Who made the boat?’ (DS2005, caai)
|
(33)
|
Isolca quih
|
¿zó
|
cyaxiya?
|
|
the beings
|
how?
|
one who measures – Interrogative
|
|
‘How many people were there?’ (DS2005,
isolca)
|
(34)
|
¿Zímjöc
|
mizáah
|
cötafp?
|
|
when?
|
your day
|
does it arrive to it?
|
|
‘When was your birthday?’ (DS2005,
izáah)
|
2. Construction
typology
This sections presents information about a variety of
constructions which occur in the language. See also §4 for other
constructions which are intimately linked to certain verb forms.
Seri has a passive construction which is the cross-linguistically common
type in which the agent cannot be overtly expressed. The patient is the surface
subject of the verb (which has passive morphology).
(35)
|
Ihpyopázt.
|
p- (Passive)
|
|
‘I was tattooed.’
|
It also has a passive construction of a much more unusual type: an
impersonal passive of transitive verbs. The patient is not the surface subject
of the verb, although the verb still has passive morphology. The patient looks
like a direct object, although it arguably is not.
(36)
|
Hizi yopázitim.
|
|
‘We were tattooed.’ (More literally, ‘It was tattooed
us.’)
|
A special construction is used when the main verb is a number predicate
indicating the number of times the action expressed in the complement clause
occurred. The complement clause is nominalized, but the number verb is also
inflected for the same person as the subject of the complement clause.
(37)
|
[ Haptco miimalim quih ]
|
inyaháatxo.
|
|
your already looking at it
|
you ... many times
|
|
‘You have already looked at it many times.’ (DS2005,
caháatxo)
|
Two verbs (quimzo ‘want’ and quiya ‘know
(how)’) may take complement “clauses.” The complement clauses
are always either infinitival or “nominalized,” never finite.
(38)
|
Comcáii quih
|
[ him iházt ]
|
ixóomzo ...
|
|
the woman
|
to tattoo me
|
s/he wanted it
|
|
‘The woman wanted to tattoo me, ...’ (DS2005,
quizt)
|
(39)
|
Hant miisaquim
|
ihmíimzo.
|
|
your sweeping the floor
|
I want it
|
|
‘I want you to sweep the floor.’ (DS2005,
quisaquim)
|
(40)
|
[ Icóos ]
|
itá
|
teete, ...
|
|
to sing
|
s/he knows it
|
s/he says
|
|
‘S/he knows how to sing, s/he says ...’ (DS2005,
cazáac)
|
The verb quixi ‘finish’ is simply juxtaposed to a
clause whose verb is in dependent clause morphology and whose subject is
coreferential with its subject.
(41)
|
Iscám
|
com
|
itáacöim
|
itáxi, ...
|
|
his/her reed boat
|
the
|
s/he readied it
|
s/he finished it
|
|
‘S/he finished readying her/his reed boat, ...’ (DS2005,
caacöim)
|
Reflexive clauses are transitive clauses with an inflected reflexive
pronoun that is ‘one’s being or body’.
(42)
|
Zaaj z an
|
hisoj
|
ihyísxö.
|
|
in a cave
|
myself
|
I hid it
|
|
‘I hid in a cave.’ (DS2005, isoj,
quiisxö)
|
Reciprocal clauses are transitive clauses with the adverb pti and
a verb that has some characteristics of singularity as well as plurality. The
stem -azitim in the following example is the singular subject, multiple
action form; compare -azt (singular subject, simple action), -azto
(plural subject, simple action), and -azitam (plural subject,
multiple action).[10]
(43)
|
Pti
|
iyóozitim.
|
|
each other
|
s/he tattooed him/her
|
|
‘They tattooed each other.’ (DS2005, pti)
|
Seri utilizes switch-reference marking on dependent clauses. The
morphemes ta and ma follow dependent future and dependent past
clauses (respectively) to indicate that the subject of one clause is not
coreferential with the subject of the next clause. There is no overt marking of
coreferentiality. The key point of Farrell, Marlett and Perlmutter (1991) was to
show that the notion of subject relevant to this construction is not the common
one.
(44)
|
Moosni hatíin pac ihpamótjö,
|
ihpáatj ta,
|
hasíiitoj aha.
|
|
I will tenderize some dry turtle meat
|
I will pound it
|
we will eat it
|
|
‘I am going to tenderize this dry sea turtle meat by pounding it,
and we will eat it.’ (DS2005, caatj)
|
(45)
|
Sahmées caacöl pac he tamlajc ma,
|
ano hmeemjöc.
|
|
they brought me some oranges
|
I peeled them
|
|
‘They brought me some oranges, (and) I peeled them.’
(DS2005, queemoz)
|
(46)
|
He hptahahásaquim ma x,
|
ihxoquéepe.
|
|
my hair is combed
|
I like it
|
|
‘I like it when my hair is combed.’ (DS2005,
ah-)
|
In the preceding example, the subject marking on both
clauses is first person singular. (The first verb is the passive form of a
transitive verb -ahásaquim meaning ‘comb the hair of
someone’, which is the causative form of the intransitive lexical
reflexive verb –asaquim ‘comb one’s own hair’.
Part of the reason for which different subject marking occurs in the first
clause is the fact that the underlying subject (Agent) of the first clause is
not coreferential with the underlying subject (Experiencer) of the second
clause.
3. Morphological
typology
In some key ways, Seri is a head-marking language (Nichols
1986). In the clause, the verb (as head) carries person and number
marking for the subject and direct object, and person marking for indirect
object. The nominals (as dependents) are not marked for case at all. This is
shown in the following example.
(47)
|
|
|
Head
|
|
Heexoj
|
zo
|
mpaai,
|
m- (2s Subject)
|
|
torch
|
a
|
(if) you make it
|
|
|
|
Head
|
|
itáaij iizc
|
tintica
|
compáapjö ta x, ...
|
co- (3 Ind. Obj.)
|
|
beach
|
the
|
(if) you light it with it
|
m- (2s Subject)
|
|
‘If you make a torch and light up the beach with it, ....’
(DS2005, caapjö)
|
In the possessed noun phrase, the possessed item (as head)
carries person agreement with the possessor (as dependent), which is not marked
for case.
(48)
|
|
Head
|
|
|
|
[ cocázni com ]
|
ilít
|
quij
|
i- (3 Possessor)
|
|
the rattlesnake
|
its head
|
the
|
|
|
‘the rattlesnake’s head ...’ (DS2005,
cactim)
|
Postpositional phrases have inflected postpositions as their
head; their complements are not marked for case.
(49)
|
|
Head
|
|
|
|
¡Miizj hoocta!
|
miti
|
hpsozám xo tax.
|
mi- (2 Possessor)
|
|
be careful!
|
on you
|
I will step
|
|
|
‘Be careful, because I might step on you.’ (DS2005,
cozám)
|
(50)
|
Complement
|
Head
|
|
|
hant z
|
iti
|
i- (3 Possessor)
|
|
a place
|
on it/him/her
|
|
|
‘somewhere’ (DS2005, caap)
|
(51)
|
|
|
|
Head
|
|
|
Ihptáalim,
|
hamt
|
ihtahójöz,
|
iti
|
hpyiij
|
|
I was playing
|
dirt
|
I mounded it
|
on it/him/her
|
I sat
|
|
‘When I was playing, I made a hill in the sand and sat on
it.’ (DS2005, cahójöz)
|
In other ways, Seri is a dependent-marking language.
Subordinate clauses are clearly marked as such by special morphology, both in
relativized clauses (nominalizations) and in adverbial clauses (non-final
morphology and switch-reference marking).
(52)
|
Dependent
|
|
|
Caay cap yeen cap ipocáat x,
|
po- (Dependent Future)
|
|
(if) the horse swings its head
|
|
|
Main
|
|
|
anxö ma saai haa hi.
|
si- (Independent Future)
|
|
it will injure you
|
|
|
‘That horse is going to injure you if it swings its head.’
(DS2005, ccaat)
|
(53)
|
Dependent
|
Dependent
|
|
... haa
|
motat,
|
itcaiilam ma,
|
|
|
t- (Dependent Past)
|
t- (Dependent Past), ma (Different Subject)
|
|
there
|
they came
|
they were shooting him/her
|
|
‘... they were coming, they were shooting him, ...’
(Hipocampo 9)
|
Inflectional noun morphology is relatively simple. The prefixes which
may occur on inalienable nouns are possessor prefixes and the absolutive (i.e.,
lack of possessor). There are no diminutive or augmentative forms.
(54)
|
mi-lít
|
ha-lít
|
|
2.Possessor-head
|
Absolutive-head
|
|
‘your head’
|
‘head’
|
|
(DS2005, ilít)
|
(DS2005, halít)
|
Suffixes which occur on nouns, along with stem modification, indicate
plurality.
(55)
|
hast
|
hasatoj
|
|
‘stone’
|
‘stones’ (DS2005, hast)
|
(56)
|
atcz
|
atcal
|
atcalcoj
|
|
‘her younger sister’
|
‘her younger sisters’
|
‘their younger sisters’
(DS2005, atcz)
|
Many nominal expressions derive transparently from verbs (through
prefixation) and are in common, everyday use. Some examples are:
(57)
|
ziix icácötim
|
|
‘blanket (thing that one covers up with)’
(DS2005)
|
(58)
|
ziix hacx tiij coos
|
|
‘radio (thing that, sitting somewhere, sings)’
(DS2005)
|
(59)
|
icamátj
|
|
‘fever (that with which one is hot)’ (DS2005)
|
Verbs are morphologically complex. Almost all of the inflectional and
derivational morphemes are prefixes. These include the following (an incomplete
list):
(60)
|
Tense/Mood
|
|
Imperative
|
|
Person Agreement (Subject, Direct Object, Indirect Object)
|
|
Nominalizers (Subject, Object, Action/Oblique)
|
|
Negation
|
|
Passive
|
|
Unspecified Object
|
|
Causative
|
The most important true suffixes show number in some way (a
complicated topic also discussed below) — either number of the subject (a
kind of agreement), or number of the action (simple, repetitive,
iterative).[11]
(61)
|
-aasj
|
|
‘extend (something) to dry out, singular subject’ (DS2005,
caasj)
|
|
-aasalim
|
|
‘extend (something) to dry out repeatedly or iteratively,
singular subject’
|
|
-atóoslcoj
|
|
‘extend (something) to dry out, plural subject’
|
|
-atóosalam
|
|
‘extend (something) to dry out repeatedly or iteratively, plural
subject’
|
Verbs may be derived from inalienable nouns by adding the
prefix i-; the result is a verb that means something like ‘have
X’.
(62)
|
-taamt
|
-i-taamt
|
|
‘sandal, shoe’
|
‘have sandals, shoes’
|
|
(DS2005, itáamt)
|
(DS2005, quitáamt)
|
(63)
|
-tcmajéem
|
-i-tcmajéem
|
|
‘younger sister’s husband’
|
‘have as brother-in-law’
|
|
(DS2005, atcmajéem)
|
(DS2005, quitcmajéem)
|
Other derived verb forms are described in the section below
on the lexicon.
It is obvious from the above that the Seri language is synthetic rather
than isolating. An intransitive verb has more than 110 different forms, and a
transitive verb more than 220. Morphemes are relatively easy to segment,
although there are significant exceptions, and so the language would be
categorized as quite agglutinative but also fusional in some cases. The verb for
sing (-oos) is an example that illustrates these facts; it is a typical
intransitive verb that begins with o. A few forms are listed below. Only
simply morpheme breaks are indicated.
(64)
|
c-oos
|
(one prefix)
|
‘the one who sings’
|
|
i-m-óos
|
(two prefixes)
|
‘the one who does not sing’
|
|
c-oos-tim
|
(one prefix, one suffix)
|
‘the one who sings repetitively’
|
|
as
|
(one prefix)
|
‘Sing!’
|
|
c-m-oos
|
(two prefixes)
|
‘Don’t sing!’
|
|
ihp-s-óos aha
|
(two prefixes)
|
‘I will sing.’
|
|
ihp-sc-m-oos aha
|
(three prefixes
|
‘I will not sing.’
|
|
y-as
|
(one prefix)[12]
|
‘S/he sang.’
|
|
ihp-y-ás
|
(two prefixes)
|
‘I sang.’
|
|
yo-m-óos
|
(two prefixes)
|
‘S/he didn’t sing.’
|
|
y-as
|
(two
prefixes)[13]
|
‘his/her singing / song’
|
|
ih-y-as
|
(two prefixes)
|
‘my singing / song’
|
|
i-c-óos
|
(two prefixes)
|
‘one’s song’
|
|
ic-óos
|
(one prefix)
|
‘to sing’
|
A significant fact about Seri morphology is the way in which suppletive
allomorphs of various morphemes are conditioned by (superficial) transitivity of
the clause. Intransitive clauses (those without a superficial direct object,
including passive clauses) are sharply distinguished from transitive clauses
(those with such a direct object). Some examples of the kind of allomorphy
conditioned in this way include the following:
(65)
|
|
Intransitive
|
Transitive
|
|
First person singular subject agreement
|
hp-
|
h-
|
|
Infinitive
|
ica-
|
iha- (plus Ablaut)
|
|
Imperative (before o)
|
(Ablaut)
|
h-
|
|
First person singular restrictive
|
caa-
|
aa-
|
|
Nonfuture action/oblique nominalizer (before o, oo, or aa)
|
y-
|
h-
|
There is no noun incorporation of the type where noun roots
combine with standard verb roots.
4.
Lexicon
The Seri language has a rich lexicon; it is notable that it
has not incorporated very many loanwords. The latter is due primarily to the
long isolation from Spanish-speaking communities and mutual hostility between
the two cultures for a long period of time.
The major word classes are verbs and nouns. Postpositions are inflected
(as shown above) and look like nouns; some have singular and plural forms:
hiihax ‘with me’, miihax ‘with you’ (sg.),
hiicot ‘with us’. Adjectives are not an important class of
word in Seri (see below). Most quantifiers, including numbers, are intransitive
verbs. Determiners are richly represented. The singular indefinite article,
zo, is presumably related to the word for ‘one’, tazo.
The definite articles have developed from subject nominalized verb forms of
positional and motion verbs. Common determiners with their stereotypical uses
are:
(66)
|
Determiner
|
|
|
zo
|
‘a’
|
|
pac
|
‘some’ (with count nouns or mass nouns)
|
|
cop
|
‘the’ (standing, singular)
|
|
quij
|
‘the’ (seated, singular)
|
|
com
|
‘the’ (lying down, singular)
|
|
quih
|
‘the’ (flexible; also phrase-internally for
linking items, singular; also a kind of default article)
|
|
timoca
|
‘the’ (approaching, singular)
|
|
tintica
|
‘the’ (going away, singular)
|
|
tamocat
|
‘the’ (approaching, plural)
|
|
tanticat
|
‘the’ (going away, plural)
|
|
coi
|
‘the’ (general plural)
|
As in some other languages of the Americas, the verbs include facets of
meaning in them that makes them difficult to translate with simple glosses. In
Seri, these are meanings embedded in the roots themselves, not in some prefix
that is added to a basic root. For example: caazi and
cahéectim ‘transport, carry’; quiip
‘transport on the head’, quiiztim ‘transport on
hip’, quicséenpx and casóompx ‘transport
long thing under the arm’, cooi ‘transport in one
trip’, csanj ‘transport person on one’s back’,
cahásquim ‘transport in boat or car’, quixop
‘transport with pole over the shoulder’, cacáaix
‘transport with pole’, quizni ‘transport using a
handle’, quizcápxla ‘transport under
arm’.
A noun class system is developing in the language, although at this
point its origin is still quite transparent in most cases (relating to physical
orientation). This noun class system is indicated by the choice of definite
article. The word zaah means ‘sun’ and ‘day’; the
meanings are distinguished by the article. Whereas the noun meaning
‘sun’ takes the article quij as expected for a spherical
object, the noun meaning ‘day’ takes the article cop because
this has become the standard article for abstractions of various sorts.
(67)
|
zaah
|
quij
|
‘the sun’ (DS2005)
|
(68)
|
zaah
|
cop
|
‘the day’ (DS2005)
|
Adjectives are rare in Seri and it could be argued that they are
morphologically-deficient verbs. The vast majority of descriptive predicates in
the language are no different from intransitive predicates which are active
verbs. The examples which follow are therefore not adjectives modifying nouns
but rather relative clauses, identical to those presented
earlier.[14]
(69)
|
cmaam
|
caaspoj
|
cop
|
|
|
c- (Subject Nominalizer)
|
|
|
woman
|
the one who writes
|
the
|
|
‘the woman who is writing’
|
(70)
|
cmaam
|
cacösxaj
|
cop
|
|
|
c- (Subject Nominalizer)
|
|
|
woman
|
the one who is tall
|
the
|
|
‘the woman who is tall, the tall woman’
|
(71)
|
cmaam
|
imáaspoj
|
cop
|
|
|
i- (Subject Nominalizer in negative clauses), m-
(Negative)
|
|
|
woman
|
the one who does not write
|
the
|
|
‘the woman who is not writing’
|
(72)
|
cmaam
|
imácösxaj
|
cop
|
|
|
i- (Subject Nominalizer in negative clauses), m-
(Negative)
|
|
|
woman
|
the one who is not tall
|
the
|
|
‘the woman who is not tall’
|
Many transitive verbs have intransitive counterparts in which the
patient is not expressed in the clause.
(73)
|
-cazit
|
-o-cázit
|
|
‘x take y away forcibly’
|
‘x take away forcibly’
|
|
(DS2005, ccazit)
|
(DS2005, cocázit)
|
(74)
|
-izi
|
-eezi
|
|
‘x defeat y’
|
‘x defeat’
|
|
(DS2005, quiizi)
|
(DS2005, queezi)
|
Causative verbs may be derived from simple verbs by adding one of the
causative prefix (typically a-, ac-, or
ah-).[15]
(75)
|
-apca
|
(impersonal)
|
-ac-aapca
|
(intransitive)
|
|
‘rain’
|
|
‘y cause to rain’
|
|
|
(DS2005, capca)
|
|
(DS2005, cacáapca)
|
|
(76)
|
-pasi
|
(intransitive)
|
-a-pasi
|
(transitive)
|
|
‘x have wrinkles’
|
|
‘y cause x to have wrinkles’
|
|
|
|
(x is direct object)
|
|
|
(DS2005, cpasi)
|
|
(DS2005, capási)
|
|
(77)
|
-panim
|
(intransitive)
|
-a-panomot
|
(transitive)
|
|
‘x wash (own) hair’
|
|
‘y wash x’s hair’
|
|
|
|
|
(x is direct object)
|
|
|
(DS2005, cpanim)
|
|
(DS2005, capánomot)
|
(78)
|
-aainim
|
(transitive)
|
-a-ainim[16]
|
(ditransitive)
|
|
‘x be mixed with y’
|
|
‘z cause x to be mixed with y’
|
|
|
|
|
(x is indirect object)
|
|
|
(DS2005, quiinim)
|
|
(DS2005, caainim)
|
|
There is another kind of derived verb with virtually the same morphology
as causatives; the meaning is to help someone do the action.
(79)
|
-cazlil
|
(transitive)
|
-a-cazatol
|
(transitive)
|
|
‘x mash y with teeth’
|
|
‘z help x to mash y with teeth’
|
|
|
|
|
(x is direct object)
|
|
|
(DS2005, ccazlil)
|
|
(DS2005, cacázatol)
|
|
And yet another kind of derived verb takes similar morphological
trappings as causatives and yet is even more distinct from those. The derived
verb permits the expression of an experiencer (as subject).
(80)
|
-acat
|
(intransitive)
|
-ac-aacat
|
(transitive)
|
|
‘x be bitter or salty’
|
|
‘y find x bitter or salty’
|
|
|
|
|
(y is subject; x is direct object)
|
|
|
(DS2005, cacat)
|
|
(DS2005, cacáacat)
|
|
Seri does not have complementizers nor does it have relative pronouns.
It also does not have any negative words per se; negation is only marked on the
verb (by a prefix).
(81)
|
...
|
cmiique
|
zo
|
ma sconsácj
|
aha.
|
|
|
person
|
a
|
s/he will not carry you on hip
|
Aux-Decl
|
|
‘... nobody is going to carry you.’ (DS2005,
csacj)
|
(82)
|
Ziix
|
z
|
imitáaicol
|
iha.
|
|
thing
|
a
|
it does not compare with it
|
Decl
|
|
‘Nothing compares with it.’ (DS2005,
quitái)
|
Simple demonstrative pronouns are either close
(hipíix ‘this one’, hizáax
‘these’) or farther away (tiix ‘that one’,
taax ‘those’.) The complex demonstratives display a three-way
distinction: proximal, medial and distal. These are formed by combining a
locative expression with an article; as a result, they are rather numerous. A
few examples: hipcom ‘this (lying close)’, hipquij
‘this (sitting close)’, hizcoi ‘these (close)’,
ticop ‘that (standing at a distance), himcop ‘that
(standing at a greater distance)’.
A clear morphological distinction exists between common nouns, kinship
terms, and other inalienably possessed nouns. Only the latter two classes
generally can have morphological indicators of possessors; in fact, they must
have some possessor indicated or else have the absolutive prefix mentioned
earlier: hipot ‘my calf’, mipot ‘your
calf’, ilít ‘his/her calf’, hapot
‘calf (of leg)’; hita ‘my mother’, mata
‘your mother’, ata ‘his/her mother’,
hapéte ‘mother’. These examples also indicate a
morphological difference between kinship terms and other inalienably possessed
nouns: kinship terms take a different set of possessive prefixes in second and
third person (ma- for second person rather than mi- which occurs
for second person possessor generally) as well as a different absolutive
prefix.
The kinship terminology for Seri is perhaps one of the most extensive
sets attested in the world, having more than fifty primary terms. Relevant
parameters include the sex of ego as well as the age and sex of the referent.
Therefore, for example, nine terms exist for ‘sibling’, as shown in
the following table. Similar patterns exist for other relationships.
(83)
|
Male
|
Female
|
|
Younger
|
Older
|
Younger
|
Older
|
Female ego
|
aacaz
‘her younger brother’
|
amáac
‘her older brother’ (now archaic)
|
atcz
‘her younger sister’
|
azáac
‘her older sister’
|
|
|
axíiha
‘his or her older brother’
|
|
|
Male ego
|
azcz
‘his younger brother’
|
anyáac
‘his older brother’
|
acóome
‘his younger sister’
|
apáac
‘his older sister’
|
Seri does not have the kind of dynamic sound symbolism described for the
neighboring Yuman languages (Langdon 1971), nor does it include a high degree of
imitative words, although some vocabulary is obviously iconic. The vowels in
the roots for ‘large’ and ‘small’ are open and close,
respectively: –aacoj ‘large’, –isil
‘small’. Certain roots relating to sounds include –pop
‘pat’, –oof ‘blow (making “f ”
sound)’, –oots ‘sizzle (making “s”
sound)’, –anoj ‘roar (like the sea), buzz (like
bee)’, –apláctim ‘make slapping sound by hitting
water or chewing loudly’, –axax ‘make a low or raspy or
hollow sound’, –ifáhzx ‘make a short sobbing
sound to indicate unhappiness’, –iifz ‘make snapping
noise’, –iipcö ‘make thumping, pounding or muffled
sound’, –iisc ‘make soft sound like when dragging foot
on the ground’, –iixaz ‘make clacking or clinking
sound’, –iixöp ‘make crunching sound; roar like
ocean when the wind is blowing’. (Most of these are the intransitive
stems, cited in the singular punctiliar form; the iterative or plural forms are
slightly different, of course, as are the causative forms.)
A striking characteristic of the Seri lexicon is the dynamic, creative,
uncontrived and self-sufficient way in which it expands to include new items.
The lexicalized phrases are not a new thing in the language as they reflect a
well-established pattern that has been used in the past to replace lexical items
which have become taboo. Some examples: eenm an iquíijim
‘mirror’ (literally, metal in which one can see), eenm an
iquíijim ziix cöimahnáxz ‘glass, windshield’
(more literally, ‘mirror on which something has not been painted’),
ziix iitax ‘motor’ (‘thing with which it goes’),
itj iixquim ‘his/her belt’ (‘what s/he puts around
his/her waist’), ziix iitax itj iixquim ‘belt (of
motor)’, ziix iitax iyas ‘battery (of car)’ (literally,
‘motor’s liver’).
5. Phonological
typology
The phonological inventory of Seri is not particularly
complex. It has four vowels, phonologically operating on a front-back and
high-low system. Although it has a short-long vowel contrast, it does not have
any of the laryngeal modifications typical of many other languages in Mexico. It
is not tonal and does not have phonemic nasalized
vowels.[17]
(84) Vowel inventory
i /i/
|
ii /ii/
|
o /o/
|
oo /oo/
|
e /ɛ/
|
ee /ɛɛ/
|
a /ɑ/
|
aa /ɑɑ/
|
The consonants include eleven obstruents (all voiceless) and
six sonorants (all voiced, except for the glottal stop, of course). The glottal
stop is a significant consonant in the language and patterns phonotactically
with the sonorants.
(85) Obstruent
inventory
Stops
|
p
|
t
|
|
|
c, qu
|
cö
|
|
|
/p/
|
/t/
|
|
|
/k/
|
/kʷ/
|
|
|
Fricatives
|
f
|
s
|
l
|
z
|
j
|
jö
|
x
|
xö
|
/ɸ/
|
/s/
|
/ɫ/
|
/ʃ/
|
/x/
|
/xʷ/
|
/χ/
|
/χʷ/
|
(86) Sonorant
inventory
Nasals
|
m
|
n
|
|
|
|
/m/
|
/n/
|
|
|
|
Non-nasal
Resonants[18]
|
|
l
|
r
|
y
|
h
|
|
/l/
|
/ɾ/
|
/j/
|
/ʔ/
|
The greatest complexity in the phonology of Seri is the syllable
structure; the language permits (and frequently uses) syllables with two
consonants in the onset, two or three vowels in the nucleus (one of them shorter
and higher than the others), and two or three consonants in the coda. A few
examples:
(87)
|
ptcamn
|
[ptkamn]
|
‘lobster’ (DS2005, ptcamn)
|
(88)
|
tpanzx
|
[tpanʃχ]
|
‘did s/he run?’ (DS2005, cpanzx)
|
(89)
|
atcz
|
[atkʃ]
|
‘her younger sister’ (DS2005, atcz)
|
(90)
|
itáaptxö
|
[i'tɑɑptχʷ]
|
‘did s/he/it go through it?’ (DS2005,
caaptxö)
|
(91)
|
coopxöt
|
[koopχʷt]
|
‘that which is loose’ (DS2005,
coopxöt)
|
Stress most commonly occurs on the first vowel of the root of a word,
although in nouns there are numerous exceptions, probably due to compounding.
While it is not always easy (perhaps never easy) to determine the exact
underlying form of a root (because of the complexity involved with
pluralization, as noted above), it is not difficult to identify the first vowel
of the root.
(92)
|
Ihpyopánzx.
|
‘I ran.’
|
(Stem: -panzx)
|
(93)
|
Yopáncolxca.
|
‘They ran repeatedly.’
|
(Stem: -pancolxca)
|
(94)
|
hapáh
|
‘what is put’
|
(Stem: -ah)
|
(95)
|
hapáhtoj
|
‘what are put’
|
(Stem: -ah-toj)
|
Primary stress occurs on the last constituent of a
compound.
(96a)
|
ziix cola hapáh
|
‘thing that is put up high’ (DS2005, ziix cola
hapáh)
|
(96b)
|
ziix cola hapáh
|
‘flag’ (pronounced somewhat faster than the phrase and
with only one primary stress, at the end) (DS2005, ziix cola
hapáh)
|
(96c)
|
zixcolahapáh
|
‘kite’ (pronounced somewhat faster than the previous word
and with no secondary stress at all) (DS2005,
zixcolahapáh)
|
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Person and number inflection in Seri.
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Quantification with ‘all’ in Seri.
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[www.und.nodak.edu/dept/linguistics/wp/2000Marlett.PDF].
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Polar questions in Seri.
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Moser, Edward W. and Mary B. Moser. 1965.
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Linguistics 16: 50-67. doi:10.1515/ling.1965.3.16.50
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[1] See the information at
http://www.sil.org/mexico/seri/00i-seri.htm. Seri has been historically linked
with Hokan languages, but sufficient and convincing evidence in favor of this
hypothesis has not been presented (Campbell 1997s, Marlett 2001).
[2] This paper is a
slightly adapted version of a draft of an introductory chapter of a grammar of
Seri (in preparation). The sources of the data are indicated (various texts and
illustrative sentences taken from the Seri dictionary (DS2005), which also
contains a short grammar written in Spanish for a general audience. Unattributed
data are from personal fieldnotes. Work on the dictionary and grammar was
supported in part by a grant from NSF (0010676) and has resulted in a
presentation of the facts which is quite different from, for example, that of
Marlett (1981). I thank Kris Waskosky, Susan Quigley and Carolyn O’Meara
for their helpful comments on this paper. Sincere thanks and credit go to Mary
B. Moser for the work she and her husband did in collecting a vast amount of
information on the language when it was especially not easy to do so.
[3] Quantifiers are not
included in this discussion because mosts are verbs in Seri. Adjectives are not
included either because they are such an unusual category in the language; most
descriptive predicates are verbs.
[4] This claim is
complicated by other factors. Postpositions and their complements are commonly
not contiguous; the complement may occur early in the sentence, but the
postposition must occur very close to the verb.
[5] This is true for the
most robust adverbs. There are, in fact, a few adverbs which follow the
verb.
[6] The facts therefore
support the head-final typology if the Determiner is taken as a head, as in the
DP hypothesis (Abney 1987).
[7] The agreement
morphology for objects is written in the practical orthography as a separate
word; but the evidence is clear that these morphemes in question are
prefixes.
[8] The independent
pronouns do not indicate number or case. The pronoun he, for example, can
be used to refer to first person singular or plural, regardless of grammatical
role in the clause.
[9] This is not easily
translated literally.
[10] The transitivity of
the construction is not provable from the simple examples, but there are ways to
make this evident.
[11] As can be seen by
the morpheme -tóo-, infix morphology is also sometimes involved in
pluralization. Another suffix, -ot, not infrequently occurs in causative
verb formation, but it is not productive and it is not clear what its function
is.
[12] Subject agreement
for third person subject is the absence of overt agreement for other
persons.
[13] Third person
possessor is overtly marked but it is deleted phonologically before
y.
[14] The same is true
for numbers; they are intransitive verbs.
[15] Sometimes there is
a bit more complexity involved.
[16] The basic verb and
the causative form are not identical in the way they conjugate, despite their
similar presentation here.
[17] Moser and Moser
(1965) posited nasalized vowels, but the error in analysis was corrected about
ten years later. Thus Seri should be removed from the sample cited in Ruhlen
(1978).
[18] The lateral
approximant is a very rare phoneme in Seri; the tap occurs only in
loanwords. |